The council—an almost complete gathering of the tenants-in-chief, lay and spiritual, throughout the realm[151]—was summoned for Tuesday October 6.[152] The king however lingered hawking by the river-side till late at night,[153] and it was not till next morning after Mass that the archbishop could obtain an audience. He began by asking leave to go and consult the Pope on his dispute with Roger of York and divers other questions touching the interests of both Church and state; Henry angrily bade him be silent and retire to prepare his defence for his contempt of the royal summons in the matter of John the marshal.[154] The trial took place next day. John himself did not appear, being detained in the king’s service at the Michaelmas session of the Exchequer in London;[155] the charge of failure of justice was apparently withdrawn, but for the alleged contempt Thomas was sentenced to a fine of five hundred pounds.[156] Indignant as he was at the flagrant illegality of the trial, in which his own suffragans had been compelled to sit in judgement on their primate, Thomas was yet persuaded to submit, in the hope of avoiding further wrangling over what seemed now to have become a mere question of money.[157] But there were other questions to follow. Henry now demanded from the archbishop a sum of three hundred pounds, representing the revenue due from the honours of Eye and Berkhampstead for the time during which he had held them since his resignation of the chancellorship.[158] Thomas remarked that he had spent far more than that sum on the repair of the royal palaces, and protested against the unfairness of making such a demand without warning. Still, however, he disdained to resist for a matter of filthy lucre, and found sureties for the required amount.[159] Next morning Henry made a further demand for the repayment of a loan made to Thomas in his chancellor days.[160] In those days the two friends had virtually had but one purse as well as “one mind and one heart,” and Thomas was deeply wounded by this evident proof that their friendship was at an end. Once more he submitted; but this time it was no easy matter to find sureties;[161] and then, late on the Friday evening, there was reached the last and most overwhelming count in the long indictment thus gradually unrolled before the eyes of the astonished primate. He was called upon to render a complete statement of all the revenues of vacant sees, baronies and honours of which he had had the custody as chancellor—in short, of the whole accounts of the chancery during his tenure of office.[162]
- [151] Herb. Bosh. (ibid.) p. 296. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 390. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 41. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 313. Only two bishops were absent: Nigel of Ely, disabled by paralysis, and William of Norwich, who made an excuse to avoid sharing in what he knew was to come. Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 185. From Alan Tewkesb. however (Robertson, Becket, vol. ii. p. 331), it seems that Norwich came after all—only, like Rochester (Will. Fitz-Steph., ib. vol. iii. p. 52), somewhat late.
- [152] Will. Fitz-Steph. (as above), p. 50. Herb. Bosh. (ib. p. 296), says “hebdomadæ feria quinta, sexta ante B. Calixti ... diem”—a self-contradiction, for in 1164 October 9, the sixth day before the feast of S. Calixtus, was not Thursday but Friday. He makes, however, a similar confusion as to the last day of the council (ib. pp. 301, 304, 326); and as this was undoubtedly Tuesday October 13—not Wednesday 14, as he seems to make it in p. 304 —it is plain that his mistake lies in placing the feast of S. Calixtus a day too early, and that the day to which he really means to assign the opening of the assembly is Thursday October 8. This really agrees with Will. Fitz-Steph., for, as will be seen, the council did not formally meet till a day after that for which it was summoned, and did not get to business till a day later still. William gives the date for which it had been summoned; Herbert, that of its practical beginning. R. Diceto (Stubbs, vol. i. p. 313) has substituted the closing day for that of opening; the author of Thomas Saga (Magnusson, vol. i. p. 241), has done the same, with a further confusion as to the days of the week; while Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs, vol. i. p. 182) has a date which agrees with nothing, and which must be altogether wrong.
- [153] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above.
- [154] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 52. E. Grim (Robertson, Becket, vol. ii.), p. 391. Cf. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 42, and Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 51.
- [155] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), p. 51.
- [156] Ibid. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), p. 297. Will. Cant. (ib. vol. i.), p. 30. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 391. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 42. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 52. Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 18. Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 183. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 313. The actual sentence was forfeiture of all his moveable goods ad misericordiam—commuted according to custom; cf. Herb. Bosh. and Gerv. Cant., as above, with Will. Fitz-Steph. (as above), p. 62. Garnier makes the sum three hundred pounds; Will. Cant., fifty; E. Grim, the Anon. I. and R. Diceto, five hundred.
- [157] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 52. E. Grim (as above), p. 391. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 43.
- [158] This must be the meaning of Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 53, compared with R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 313, 314.
- [159] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above.
- [160] The demand is stated by Will. Fitz-Steph. (ibid.) as “de quingentis marcis ex causâ commodati in exercitu Tolosæ, et aliis quingentis marcis ex causâ fidejussionis regis pro eo erga quendam Judæum ibidem.” This would make the total amount £666: 3: 8. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), p. 298, and the Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 189, make it five hundred pounds.
- [161] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), pp. 298, 299.
- [162] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 53. Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), p. 31. Joh. Salisb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 312. E. Grim (ibid.), p. 392. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 54. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), p. 299. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 43. Anon. II. (ibid.), p. 104. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 314. The total sum due was assessed in the end at thirty thousand pounds, according to Garnier (p. 65), Will. Cant. (p. 38), E. Grim (p. 396) and Anon. I. (p. 49). Herb. Bosh., however (as above), makes it thirty thousand marks (i.e. twenty thousand pounds). The Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 191, says thirty thousand marks “of burnt silver,” i.e. blanch; while Gilbert Foliot, when reciting the story to the Pope’s legates in 1167, is reported as stating it at forty-four thousand marks (£2933: 6: 8); Ep. cccxxxix. (Robertson, Becket, vol. vi. p. 271). Herb. Bosh. (as above) places this demand on the Saturday morning, and the whole history of the three days, Friday-Sunday, October 9–11, is somewhat confused by the discordant notes of time given by the various biographers. I have followed Will. Fitz-Steph., who is the most self-consistent and apparently the most trustworthy.
At this crushing demand the archbishop’s courage gave way, and he threw himself at the king’s feet in despair. All the bishops did likewise, but in vain; Henry swore “by God’s Eyes” that he would have the accounts in full. He granted, however, a respite till the morrow,[163] and Thomas spent the next morning in consultation with his suffragans.[164] Gilbert of London advised unconditional surrender;[165] Henry of Winchester, who had already withstood the king to his face the night before,[166] strongly opposed this view,[167] and suggested that the matter should be compromised by an offer of two thousand marks. This the king rejected.[168] After long deliberation[169] it was decided—again at the suggestion of Bishop Henry—that Thomas should refuse to entertain the king’s demands on the ground of the release from all secular obligations granted to him at his consecration. This answer was carried by the bishops in a body to the king. He refused to accept it, declaring that the release had been given without his authority; and all that the bishops could wring from him was a further adjournment till the Monday morning.[170] In the middle of Sunday night the highly-strung nervous organization of Thomas broke down under the long cruel strain; the morning found him lying in helpless agony, and with great difficulty he obtained from the king another day’s delay.[171] Before it expired a warning reached him from the court that if he appeared there he must expect nothing short of imprisonment or death.[172] A like rumour spread through the council, and at dawn the bishops in a body implored their primate to give up the hopeless struggle and throw himself on the mercy of the king. He refused to betray his Church by accepting a sentence which he believed to be illegal as well as unjust, forbade the bishops to take any further part in his trial, gave them notice of an appeal to Rome if they should do so, and charged them on their canonical obedience to excommunicate at once whatever laymen should dare to sit in judgement upon him.[173] Against this last command the bishop of London instantly appealed.[174] All then returned to the court, except Henry of Winchester and Jocelyn of Salisbury, who lingered for a last word of pleading or of sympathy.[175] When they too were gone, Thomas went to the chapel of the monastery in which he was lodging—a small Benedictine house dedicated to S. Andrew, just outside the walls of Northampton—and with the utmost solemnity celebrated the mass of S. Stephen with its significant introit: “Princes have sat and spoken against me.” The mass ended, he mounted his horse, and escorted no longer by a brilliant train of clerks and knights, but by a crowd of poor folk full of sympathy and admiration, he rode straight to the castle where the council awaited him.[176]
- [163] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 53, 54.
- [164] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), p. 300.
- [165] Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), pp. 326, 327.
- [166] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 54.
- [167] Alan Tewkesb. (as above), p. 327.
- [168] Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 54.
- [169] The speeches of the bishops—interesting for studies of character—are given at length by Alan Tewkesb. (as above), pp. 327, 328. Cf. the account in Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 193–199.
- [170] Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), p. 31. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 392. Herb. Bosh. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 300. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 43. Anon. II. (ibid.), pp. 104, 105. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), pp. 328, 329, has a slightly different version; in this, and also in Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 199–201, Gilbert Foliot wins the respite by a daring misrepresentation of Thomas’s answer to the king. I have followed Herbert’s reckoning of the days here, as it fits in with that of Will. Fitz-Steph., who seems the best guide in this matter.
- [171] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 55, 56. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 32. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.) pp. 329, 330. E. Grim (ibid.), pp. 392, 393. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 56. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), pp. 300, 301. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 44. Thomas Saga (as above), p. 203. Here again I follow Will. Fitz-Steph. and Herbert as to the day.
- [172] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 56. Will. Cant. as above. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 393. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 44. Thomas Saga as above.
- [173] Will. Fitz-Steph. (as above), p. 62. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), pp. 301–303. Thomas Saga (as above), pp. 205–207.
- [174] Herb. Bosh. (as above), p. 303. Thomas Saga (as above), p. 207. Some of the other biographers place this scene later in the day, but we can hardly do otherwise than follow the two eye-witnesses, William and Herbert.
- [175] Herb. Bosh. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), p. 303. Jocelyn’s after-conduct shewed that his sympathy with the primate was not very deep.
- [176] Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), pp. 32, 34. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 330. E. Grim (ibid.), p. 393. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), pp. 56, 57. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), p. 304. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 45. Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 56–60. Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 207–209.
At the gate he took his cross from the attendant who usually bore it, and went forward alone to the hall where the bishops and barons were assembled.[177] They fell back in amazement at the apparition of the tall solitary figure, robed in full pontificals, and carrying the crucifix like an uplifted banner prepared at once for defence and for defiance; friends and opponents were almost equally shocked, and it was not till he had passed through their midst and seated himself in a corner of the hall that the bishops recovered sufficiently to gather round him and intreat that he would give up his unbecoming burthen. Thomas refused; “he would not lay down his standard, he would not part with his shield.” “A fool you ever were, a fool I see you are still and will be to the end,” burst out Gilbert Foliot at last, as after a long argument he turned impatiently away.[178] The others followed him, and the primate was left with only two companions, William Fitz-Stephen and his own especial friend, Herbert of Bosham.[179] The king had retired to an inner chamber and was there deliberating with his most intimate counsellors[180] when the story of the primate’s entrance reached his ears. He took it as an unpardonable insult, and caused Thomas to be proclaimed a traitor. Warnings and threats ran confusedly through the hall. The archbishop bent over the disciple sitting at his feet:—“For thee I fear—yet fear not thou; even now mayest thou share my crown.” The ardent encouragement with which Herbert answered him[181] provoked one of the king’s marshals to interfere and forbid that any one should speak to the “traitor.” William Fitz-Stephen, who had been vainly striving to put in a gentle word, caught his primate’s eyes and pointed to the crucifix, intrusting to its silent eloquence the lesson of patience and prayer which his lips were forbidden to utter. When he and Thomas, after long separation, met again in the land of exile, that speechless admonition seems to have been the first thing which recurred to the minds of both.[182]
- [177] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 60. Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), p. 57. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), p. 304. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 330. Thomas Saga (as above)·/·(Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 207–209, p. 209.
- [178] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 60, 61. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 34. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 330. E. Grim (ibid.), p. 394. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 57. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), pp. 305, 306. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), pp. 46, 47. Thomas Saga (as above), pp. 211–213.
- [179] Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), p. 34. Herb. Bosh. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 307. They only mention Herbert; William’s presence appears in the sequel.
- [180] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 61. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 35. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 394. Herb. Bosh. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 305. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 47.
- [181] Herb. Bosh. (ib. vol. iii.), pp. 306–308.
- [182] Will. Fitz-Steph. (ibid.), p. 59.
In the chamber overhead, meanwhile, Henry had summoned the bishops to a conference.[183] On receiving from them an account of their morning’s interview with Thomas, he sent down to the latter his ultimatum, requiring him to withdraw his appeal to Rome and his commands to the bishops as contrary to the customs which he had sworn to observe, and to submit to the judgement of the king’s court on the chancery accounts. Seated, with eyes fixed on the cross, Thomas quietly but firmly refused. His refusal was reported to the king, who grew fiery-red with rage, caught eagerly at the barons’ proposal that the archbishop should be judged for contempt of his sovereign’s jurisdiction in appealing from it to another tribunal, and called upon the bishops to join in his condemnation.[184] York, London and Chichester proposed that they should cite him before the Pope instead, on the grounds of perjury at Clarendon and unjust demands on their obedience.[185] To this Henry consented; the appeal was uttered by Hilary of Chichester in the name of all, and in most insulting terms;[186] and the bishops sat down opposite their primate to await the sentence of the lay barons.[187]
- [183] Ib.·/·Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), p. 57. Will. Cant. (ib. vol. i.), p. 35. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 331. Garnier (Hippeau), p. 62.
- [184] Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 65, 66. Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), pp. 36–38. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), pp. 62–65. Cf. Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. pp. 213–217.
- [185] Will. Cant. (as above), p. 37. In the versions of E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 396, Herb. Bosh. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 308, and the Thomas Saga (as above), p. 217, they bluntly bargain to be let off from actually sitting in judgement on their primate in consideration of a promise to stand by the king against him for ever after.
- [186] Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), pp. 65, 66. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), pp. 331, 332. According to Alan, Thomas answered but one word—“I hear”; according to William, he condescended to make a long speech. Cf. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 49.
- [187] Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 332.
What that sentence was no one outside the royal council-chamber ever really knew. It was one thing to determine it there and another to deliver it to its victim, sitting alone and unmoved with the sign of victory in his hand. With the utmost reluctance and hesitation the old justiciar, Earl Robert of Leicester, came to perform his odious task. At the word “judgement” Thomas started up, with uplifted crucifix and flashing eyes, forbade the speaker to proceed, and solemnly appealed to the protection of the court of Rome. The justiciar and his companions retired in silence.[188] “I too will go, for the hour is past,” said Thomas.[189] Cross in hand he strode past the speechless group of bishops into the outer hall; the courtiers followed him with a torrent of insults, which were taken up by the squires and serving-men outside; as he stumbled against a pile of faggots set ready for the fire, Ralf de Broc rushed upon him with a shout of “Traitor! traitor!”[190] The king’s half-brother, Count Hameline, echoed the cry;[191] but he shrank back at the primate’s retort—“Were I a knight instead of a priest, this hand should prove thee a liar!”[192] Amid a storm of abuse Thomas made his way into the court-yard and sprang upon his horse, taking up his faithful Herbert behind him.[193] The outer gate was locked, but a squire of the archbishop managed to find the keys.[194] Whether there was any real intention of stopping his egress it seems impossible to determine; the king and his counsellors were apparently too much puzzled to do anything but let matters take their course; Henry indeed sent down a herald to quell the disturbance and forbid all violence to the primate;[195] but the precaution came too late. Once outside the gates, Thomas had no need of such protection. From the mob of hooting enemies within he passed into the midst of a crowd of poor folk who pressed upon him with every demonstration of rapturous affection; in every street as he rode along the people came out to throw themselves at his feet and beg his blessing.
- [188] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 67. Will. Cant. (as above·/·Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), pp. 38, 39. Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), pp. 332, 333. E. Grim (ibid.), pp. 397, 398. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), pp. 67, 68. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), pp. 309, 310. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), pp. 50, 51. Cf. Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 221, where the altercation is longer, but comes to the same end.
- [189] Anon. I. (as above), p. 51.
- [190] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 68. Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), p. 39. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 398. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), pp. 51, 52. Cf. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 68.
- [191] Garnier and Will. Cant. as above. Anon. I. (as above), p. 52.
- [192] Anon. I. as above. Cf. Herb. Bosh. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 310. There is a different version in Will. Cant. (ib. vol. i.), pp. 39, 40.
- [193] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above. Of his own escape William says nothing; but we know from a passage later in the same page that he soon rejoined his primate.
- [194] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 69. Cf. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 40; Alan Tewkesb. (ib. vol. ii.), p. 333; Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), p. 52; and Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 222.
- [195] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 70. Will. Fitz-Steph. (as above), p. 69. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 399.