The words were hardly more than he had used at Chinon four years before, but they fell now upon other ears. Four knights—Hugh de Morville, William de Tracy, Reginald Fitz-Urse and Richard le Breton[345]—took them as a warrant for the primate’s death. That night—it was Christmas-eve[346]—they vowed to slay him, no matter how or where;[347] they left the court in secret, crossed to England by different routes,[348] and met again at Saltwood, a castle which the archbishop had been vainly endeavouring to recover from the clutches of Ralf de Broc, and where Ralf himself was dwelling amid a crowd of his kinsfolk and dependents. There the final plot was laid.[349] How it was executed is a tale which has been told so often that its details may well be spared here. On the evening of December 29, after a scene in his own hall scarcely less disgraceful than the last scene in the king’s hall at Northampton, the primate of all England was butchered at the altar’s foot in his own cathedral church.[350]
- [345] In Will. Cant. (as above·/·Robertson, Becket, vol. i.), pp. 128, 129, is a “descriptio spiculatorum,” in which the only point of interest is the English speech of Hugh de Morville’s mother.
- [346] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 177. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 123.
- [347] Garnier, as above. Will. Cant. (as above), p. 124. E. Grim (ib. vol. ii.), p. 429. Will. Fitz-Steph. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iii.), p. 128. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), p. 487. Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. i. p. 517.
- [348] Garnier (Hippeau), p. 177. Will. Cant. (Robertson, Becket, vol. i.) p. 124, Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), p. 130. Thomas Saga as above.
- [349] Will. Fitz-Steph. as above; cf. ib. p. 126. Thomas Saga, as above, pp. 517–519. Saltwood was mentioned, as a special subject for inquiry and restitution, in the king’s letter commending Thomas to his son.
- [350] Will. Cant. (as above), pp. 131–135. Joh. Salisb. (ib. vol. ii.), pp. 319, 320. E. Grim (ibid.), pp. 430–438. Will. Fitz-Steph. (ib. vol. iii.), pp. 132–142. Herb. Bosh. (ibid.), pp. 488 et seq. Anon. I. (ib. vol. iv.), pp. 70–77. Anon. II. (ibid.), pp. 128–132. Garnier (Hippeau), pp. 179–195. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 343, 344. Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. pp. 224–227. Thomas Saga as above, pp. 523–549.
The ill news travelled fast. It fell like a thunderbolt upon the Norman court still gathered round the king at Argentan,[351] whither the assembly had adjourned after the Christmas feast at Bures. Henry stood for a moment speechless with horror, then burst into a frenzy of despair, and shut himself up in his own rooms, refusing to eat or drink or to see any one.[352] In a few days more, as he anticipated, all Christendom was ringing with execration of the murder and clamouring for vengeance upon the king who was universally regarded as its instigator. The Pope ordered an interdict upon Henry’s continental dominions, excommunicated the murderers and all who had given or should henceforth give them aid, shelter or support, and was only restrained from pronouncing a like sentence upon the king himself by a promise that he would make compurgation and submit to penance.[353] Two cardinal-legates charged with the enforcement of these decrees were at once despatched to Normandy;[354] but when they arrived there, Henry was out of their reach. The death of Duke Conan in February had thrown Britanny completely into his hands; he only stayed to secure Geoffrey’s final establishment there as duke[355] before he called a council at Argentan and announced that he was going to Ireland.[356] He quitted Normandy just as the legates reached it,[357] leaving strict orders that the ports should be closed to all clerks and papal envoys, and that no one should dare to follow him without special permission.[358] Landing at Portsmouth in the first days of August,[359] he hurried to Winchester for a last interview with the dying Bishop Henry,[360] closed the English ports as he had closed those of Normandy,[361] then plunged once more into the depths of South Wales, and on October 16 sailed from Milford Haven for Waterford.[362]
- [351] R. Diceto (as above)·/·(Stubbs), vol. i., p. 345. Gesta Hen. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 14.
- [352] Ep. dccxxxviii. (Robertson, Becket, vol. vii.), p. 438. Cf. MS. Lansdown. (ib. vol. iv.), pp. 159, 160, and Gesta Hen. as above.
- [353] Epp. dccl., dccli. (Robertson, Becket, vol. vii. pp. 471–478).
- [354] Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 233. R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 346. Gesta Hen. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 24.
- [355] Rob. Torigni, a. 1171. Conan died February 20; Chron. Kemperleg. ad ann. (Rer. Gall. Scriptt., vol. xii. p. 563). The Chron. S. Serg. a. 1169 (Marchegay, Eglises, p. 150), places the event two years too early. Cf. Chron. Britann. a. 1170, 1171 (Rer. Gall. Scriptt., vol. xii. p. 560; Morice, Hist. Bretagne, preuves, vol. i. col. 104).
- [356] Rob. Torigni, a. 1171.
- [357] MS. Lansdown. (Robertson, Becket, vol. iv.), p. 169. Gerv. Cant. (as above), pp. 233, 234. The Gesta Hen. (as above), and Rog. Howden (Stubbs, vol. ii. pp. 28, 29) seem to imply that they arrived just before Henry left; but they are rather confused about these legates. They make two pairs of them come to Normandy this summer—first, Vivian and Gratian, who come with hostile intent, and from whom Henry runs away (Gesta Hen., Stubbs, vol. i. p. 24; Rog. Howden, Stubbs, vol. ii. p. 29); and secondly, Albert and Theodwine, who apparently supersede them later in the year, and whom Henry hurries to meet (Gesta Hen. as above, p. 29; Rog. Howden as above, p. 34). But the MS. Lansdown. (which is the fullest account of all), Gerv. Cant. and R. Diceto distinctly make only one pair of legates, Albert and Theodwine. The confusion in Thomas Saga (Magnusson), vol. ii. pp. 31–33, is greater still.
- [358] Gesta Hen. (as above), p. 24. Cf. Rog. Howden (as above), p. 29.
- [359] Gesta Hen. as above, and Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 234, say August 3; R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 347, says August 6.
- [360] R. Diceto as above. Bishop Henry died on August 8; ibid.
- [361] Gerv. Cant., Gesta Hen. and Rog. Howden, as above.
- [362] Gesta Hen. (as above), p. 25.
The elements favoured his escape; for five months a persistent contrary wind hindered all communication to Ireland from any part of his dominions.[363] The bishops and the ministers were left to fight their own battles and make their own peace with the legates in Normandy until May 1172, when the king suddenly reappeared[364] to claim the papal absolution and offer in return not only his own spiritual obedience and that of his English and continental realms, but also that of Ireland, which he had secured for Rome as her share in the spoils of a conquest won with Adrian’s bull in his hand.[365] The bargain was soon struck. On Sunday May 21 Henry met the legates at Avranches, made his purgation for the primate’s death, promised the required expiation, and abjured his obnoxious “customs,” his eldest son joining in the abjuration.[366] To pacify Louis, young Henry and Margaret were sent over sea with the archbishop of Rouen and by him crowned together at Winchester on August 27;[367] and the Norman primate returned to join a great council of the Norman clergy assembled at Avranches to witness there, two days before Michaelmas, a public repetition of their sovereign’s purgation and his final absolution by the legates.[368]
- [363] R. Diceto (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 350. Gir. Cambr., Expugn. Hibern., l. i. c. 36 (Dimock, vol. v. p. 284).
- [364] R. Diceto (as above), p. 351.
- [365] Gesta Hen. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 28.
- [366] Ep. dcclxxi.–dcclxxiv. (Robertson, Becket, vol. vii. pp. 513–522). MS. Lansdown. (ib. vol. iv.), pp. 173, 174.
- [367] Gesta Hen. (as above), p. 31; Rog. Howden (Stubbs), vol. ii. p. 34; Gerv. Cant. (Stubbs), vol. i. p. 237. R. Diceto (as above), p. 352, makes it August 21.
- [368] Gesta Hen. (as above), pp. 32, 33. Rog. Howden (as above), pp. 35–37. Gerv. Cant. (as above), p. 238. These three are the only writers who mention this purgation in September, and they say nothing of the one in May. That it took place is however clear from the letter of the legates themselves (Ep. dcclxxiv. Robertson, Becket, vol. vii. p. 521), giving its date, “Vocem jucunditatis,” i.e. Rogation-Sunday. On the other hand, the MS. Lansdown. (ib. vol. iv. pp. 173, 174) mentions only one purgation, and this clearly is the earlier one, for it is placed before the re-crowning of young Henry. The explanation seems to be that this was a private ceremony between the king and the legates, with a few chosen witnesses; the legates say in their letter that Henry promised to repeat it publicly at Caen; he probably did so at Avranches instead. On the other hand, Rob. Torigni (a. 1172) says: “Locutus est cum eis primo Savigneii, postea Abrincis, tercio Cadomi, ubi causa illa finita est;” and seems to make the Michaelmas council at Avranches a mere ordinary Church synod, where moreover “obsistente regis infirmitate parum profecerunt.” To add to the confusion, Gir. Cambr. (Expugn. Hibern., l. i. c. 39; Dimock, vol. v. p. 289) says the purgation was made at Coutances.
CHAPTER III.
THE CONQUEST OF IRELAND.
795–1172.
Map III.