I met no one among the political or general police officials who was not absolutely and thoroughly convinced that in reality there were two governments in existence, each of which drove its own politics to the other, one embodied in the person of Secretary of State Witte, the other in the person of Trepoff, who, according to general conviction, brought to the Czar reports of the condition of affairs in the empire, different than those that Count Witte brought to him, and in this wise developed a different political position. This point of view finds its foundation in the fact that General Trepoff, after his appointment as commander of the palace, succeeded in having special funds put at his command for the engagement of a separate force of secret agents, and he, therefore, became possessed of tools in hand that should only be in control of the minister of the interior.
This point of view finds further foundation in the fact that General Trepoff, even after he gave up the post he held in the ministry of the interior, in October, 1905, succeeded without the knowledge of the minister of the interior, in getting out of the police department all the documents, except those of no moment, for the purpose of looking through them; not only current documents, but those of no present use—even though all these had nothing whatever to do with the commander of the palace.
As to what purpose General Trepoff had in mind with reference to the secret funds, and the documents of the police department, in what direction he was inclined to utilize his position in regard to these, there exists, Your Excellency, in the mind of the undersigned, a firm conviction—rightly or wrongly—that General Trepoff sought to influence the politics of the government.
This conviction, indeed, is as firm as the conviction that General Trepoff sympathized with the pogroms politics. And whatever power the ministry may set to work in opposition to pogroms, they will be valueless so long as the local police are convinced of the lack of power of the ministry and the possession of power of other authorities.
APPENDIX D
REPORT OF CAPTAIN PIETUCHOW, OF THE GENDARMERIE ADMINISTRATION OF THE STATE OF SIEDLCE, TO THE ASSISTANT GOVERNOR-GENERAL AT WARSAW.
The provisional governor-general of the government of Siedlce, Major-general Engelke, by virtue of order No. 12, of August 10, this year, named Colonel Tichanowsky of the 39th regiment of dragoons as chief of the garrison of defense of the city of Siedlce.
On August 11, at 12 o’clock in the morning, I was called to the gendarmerie office, where there were already gathered Colonel Wyrgolitsch, Captains Potosky and Grigoriew, the acting police chief of the city of Siedlce, Staff Captain Protopopow, and Colonel Tichanowsky, chief of the garrison of defense. There was advised an adequate blockade of the city and the undertaking of a general search of the houses in Siedlce. The last measure was dictated in a telegram of the governor-general. Colonel Tichanowsky demanded immediately that there be named to him several prominent citizens of the city of Siedlce, who, although they had not personally taken part in the revolutionary movement, yet favored it in any possible way. Colonel Tichanowsky expressed the view that he would put these people in prison and hold them as hostages. He would tell them that in case of an attack on the life of any officer of the government, they would all be murdered. Colonel Tichanowsky said that he would take upon himself all the responsibility for the matter. As Colonel Tichanowsky was asked in what manner these hostages were to be killed, he turned to the chief of the police with the question whether he could not put at his service a policeman who would be prepared to simulate insanity, and shoot the hostages in prison, or put arsenic into their food. “We must set against the terrorism of the revolution a still more frightful terrorism,” rejoined Colonel Tichanowsky, and he stuck to his point of view, always reiterating that he would assume full responsibility.