Let me give a characteristic example of the way in which the middle-class women’s unions try to hoodwink the public on the question of Woman Suffrage. In the Bavarian Landtag there was a petition for the granting of the Suffrage to women, and it was supported by three National Liberal Deputies. Yet Fraulein Anita Augsping told the Bavarian women that she was glad to say that in the Bavarian Landtag 50 per cent. of the National Liberals were in favour of female Suffrage. I can only hope that shortly there will only be one National Liberal Deputy left in the Bavarian Landtag, and then she might triumphantly assert that 100 per cent. of the National Liberals were in favour of Universal Female Suffrage.
When I have mentioned these facts here, it is certainly not with the intention of reproaching the middle-class women advocates of the Suffrage concerning their attitude. That is not my purpose. I recognise that they are fulfilling an historical purpose, and that they are engaged in a struggle from their own middle-class point of view. But this point of view shows that they are not in favour of women’s rights, but of the rights of ladies; they do not fight for the political emancipation of the female sex, but for the advancement of the interests of the middle class. That is certainly within their rights; but what I complain of is the confusion which arises when they state that their agitation is for the benefit of the whole of the female sex. As a matter of fact, they only strengthen the political and the social influence of the ruling classes—that is their aim.
I have devoted so much time to this matter in order to make it perfectly clear that working women must not hope for the slightest assistance in their struggle for political emancipation from the middle-class women, and they cannot expect them to take their side in the struggle. No; we must bear in mind that in order to see this matter through, in order to obtain full social emancipation, we must rely on our own power, exercised through our own class.
Comrades, two characteristic events are happening before our eyes. The middle class no longer prizes in the same way the democratic principles which they so formerly extolled, and they do not see the consequences of those theories relating to the political emancipation of the female sex. That is shown, for instance, in the way in which those representing the middle class in Holland have introduced into the Chamber there a resolution relating to the Suffrage for women, worded in such a way that it does not confer Universal Suffrage on women, but a kind of vote which would only be given to ladies possessing a certain amount of property. But while the middle class dares less and less, owing to the growing influence of the proletariat, to carry out the logical consequences of its democratic principles, we also note, on the other hand, that the proletariat is compelled by its own class interests to become the bold supporter of the political emancipation of women, especially as woman’s labour becomes daily more important and an increasing factor in capitalist countries, and that, therefore, the proletariat, in carrying out its economic struggle, must rely more and more on the disciplined, united and organised help of women. The organisation of women in trade unions is only possible, however, in a complete way, if they possess equal political rights, otherwise the help which their unions give to those of men will be illusory, owing to the political weakness underlying them. The whole proletariat must raise the cry, “Down with all political arrangements which deny to woman her full political equality.” She must be entitled to all rights of a burgess in towns, so that there, too, women may take part with men in the local struggles. It is, therefore, for the practical interests themselves of the proletariat that they should be energetic supporters of the cause of women. Social-Democracy, which is the political fighting organisation of the proletariat, has, from practical considerations, understanding the need of an improvement in the conditions of the existence of the proletariat, included Woman Suffrage in its programme, and actively advocates it. But also on account of the knowledge of the tendencies of the united economic and social needs, the Social-Democracy is in favour of Woman Suffrage as a social necessity for women on the ground of their being in an entirely revolutionary age, and also as a consequence of social justice following on the putting into practice of democratic principles. But when, passing from the inscription of these aims in the programme of Social-Democracy, we wish to enter into action for the attainment of Woman Suffrage, then we must bear in mind something of importance. With the keenness of the opposition of classes, with the bitterness of the class struggle there arise historical situations in which the question of Woman Suffrage acquires a new practical bearing. The question of Woman Suffrage is becoming one of the gravest practical importance, not only for the proletariat, but also for reactionary parties. In all circumstances, when the self-conscious proletariat has fought on this plan, we see that the reactionary parties, more and more under the influence of the situation of women’s rights, argue, as a last attempt at reaction, when they can no longer withstand the demand for Universal Suffrage for men, that only a weakened form of Suffrage should be extended to women. That is what happened, for instance, in 1902, in Norway. These same tendencies have also shown themselves in Belgium, and they are also partly advocated in Germany by the Centre. At last year’s Catholic Congress in Strasburg, the members of the Centre Party brought forward this question of Woman Suffrage. At that meeting Father Auracher brought forward a resolution on the subject, supporting it with remarks which no Socialist could take exception to, and saying that owing to industrial changes the position of women had changed, and that some form of women’s rights should be conceded. Soon after this the Centre, in the Bavarian Landtag, went much further. A petition from the middle-class union, “The Welfare of Women,” was supported by 23 Deputies belonging to the Centre. Dr. Heim spoke in its favour in such a way as to do honour to his historical insight. All honour to him! But, on this point, it does not follow that the Centre to-day or to-morrow will become an enthusiastic supporter of woman’s rights. The difference between theory and practice is, as you know, a very great matter. When the Belgian comrades in 1902 brought forward their motion for Universal Suffrage in communal councils and provincial diets, then the Clericals at once said that they would agitate for Woman Suffrage; and they did, only to get the Liberals to vote against the Socialist proposal. When it came to the voting, however, none of the Clericals voted for the resolution of the Belgian comrades, and one only had the courage to abstain from voting. The tactics which I have described are characteristic, because they prove that the Centre, in taking part in the agitation for Woman Suffrage, is not—when things are looked at closely—actuated by any principle except the one of securing the ascendancy of the Church, and that of the ruling classes. The Clericals, as they have often declared, are ready to assert that women should be silent in the assembly[[2]] as long as it suits the interests of their power; but they are now quite prepared to loosen the tongues of women there if by so doing they can strengthen the authority of the Church, and that of the capitalist class, which is the chief supporter of the Church. The reactionary classes are only now beginning to show themselves friendly to the idea of Woman Suffrage, because they think that, by the help of the women’s votes they may thus diminish the power of the men’s votes, and they are actuated in this matter by the following reasons. They believe that their power over the minds of a great number of women, and especially of those belonging to the proletariat, is still strong enough for them to be able to make use of the unemancipated women as against the men that are already emancipated. They reckon on this modified Woman Suffrage to act as a counterpoise against the increasing growth of free thought among men, and to counteract the steady march of Catholic working men into the camp of Social-Democracy. This is a reason why in some countries, and not only in the ranks of the middle class, but also among Social-Democrats, many persons are opposed to the movement in favour of Woman Suffrage. Thus in Holland Troelstra has stated that if the question of extending the franchise was brought forward he would vote against it, because it would undoubtedly lead to a strengthening of reaction, because the women there are still unemancipated.
[2]. An allusion to the opinion of St. Paul I. Timothy C. II., 12.—J.B.
So that where Clericalism rules there will be a strong movement against Woman Suffrage, because it will be thought to be a source of danger, as by means of it the Clericals would receive such an increase of support that the political class struggle of the proletariat would for a long time be in danger. It would be foolish to deny that directly Woman Suffrage was granted, a certain number of women would at once give their votes to reactionary candidates, and so strengthen the party of reaction. But that is no reason for withholding the vote from women. If it were so, the proletariat ought never to agitate for an extension of the Suffrage. For every fresh democratisation of the Suffrage allows large masses of men to take part in voting whose political education is imperfect, and who have not yet been properly trained as to how they should vote. But we ask for Universal Suffrage, not as a means for a political dodge, but as a working means of training and organising the masses properly.
If we acted otherwise we should always have to disfranchise a large number of citizens. The “Revue Socialiste” had a series of articles on this question of granting the Suffrage to women. Comrades from different countries sent contributions, and they were all agreed that the backwardness of women from a political point of view was no reason not to give them the vote, because the very possession of that right would act as a corrective to the danger. Allemane, for the French Socialists, Ferri for the Italian, Keir Hardie and MacDonald for the English, and Kautsky and Bernstein for the German, all took the same view of the question. This alleged danger of Woman Suffrage to the cause of the proletariat affords no ground for an alteration of the programme of Social-Democracy.
But now there is another point to be considered. The action of the Social-Democracy with reference to Woman Suffrage is more and more energetic and thorough, and the question that arises is whether we weaken the danger of the granting of a partial Woman Suffrage by agitating as we do for Universal Suffrage. But to that I reply that by carrying on a propaganda of enlightenment and organisation of working women we shall so improve the political knowledge and outlook of these women that it will be impossible for reaction ever to reckon on the support of women’s votes. After, however, making that point clear, there are yet, in many countries, comrades who have worked hard in order to obtain Universal Suffrage for men, and who are doubtful whether it is wise at present to agitate for Woman Suffrage. That we saw in Belgium in 1902, where the Labour Party, in their struggle for equal Universal Suffrage, gave up the agitation for Woman Suffrage, on the ground that the Liberals declared they would not support the demand for a reform of the Suffrage unless the Socialists gave up the demand for Woman Suffrage. What happened then? The Labour Party in Belgium, in their campaign in and out of Parliament for the advocacy of equal Universal Suffrage, was most shamefully deserted by the Liberal Party. There has been no practical result, though the demand for Woman Suffrage was abandoned. The same kind of thing happened this year in Sweden. Under the stress of the agitation of the Socialist Party, the Government promised to bring in a Bill for the extension of the Suffrage, but they had previously declared, when asked by the leaders of the middle-class partisans of Woman Suffrage, that if they did so they would also bring in a Bill establishing a modified form of Woman Suffrage. The Social-Democratic Party then determined not to ask for Woman Suffrage, but to vote for it if that measure was advocated by another party. The measure for the reform of the Suffrage was passed by the popular Chamber, but was wrecked by the Upper House. Though the working men had reduced their demands, yet the Socialists were left in the lurch by the middle-class parties. The abandonment of the principal demand led to no practical result. Comrade Branting declared recently that the struggle would enter into a new phase, and that a reform of the Upper House would be demanded, and he finished by saying that this struggle would be one of great importance, as it would be a struggle between the power of the classes possessing property and those having none, and that the proletariat must use all its power in the struggle. But a struggle which is to be so important, and which is to have such far-reaching consequences, must be fought on the question of principles, and not carried on in any petty opportunist manner; it must be a fight for universal, equal Suffrage for both men and women. A similar situation has also occurred in Austria. Here the proletariat, after a long, weary struggle of ten years, has at last compelled the Government to grant a complete reform of the Suffrage, to bring in a measure to establish universal, equal and direct Suffrage for the elections to the Reichsrath, and to do away with the system of class voting which weakened completely the political power of the proletariat in Parliament. The reform in the Suffrage is important, but it does not meet the demands of the Social-Democracy. In this situation the Austrian comrades have determined that it is highly important to secure Universal Suffrage for men, and, as the attainment of this object appears to be endangered by the agitation in favour of Woman Suffrage, they have determined not to agitate for that reform. The Austrian Social-Democracy has thus weakened itself by using all its power against the Government, though they think that by leaving Woman Suffrage aside they will the easier obtain Manhood Suffrage. I do not know how the idea originated that by foregoing the demand for Woman Suffrage they would more easily obtain the votes for men. The greatness of the reform to be obtained is one which, indeed, will require all the force of the proletariat, but I cannot see how it would have been hindered, in any way, by also pressing forward the claims of women. We must all recognise the discipline of our female Austrian comrades, and the help which they have given when they accepted the decision of the party; but it is still, to my mind, an open question whether this decision was necessary.
No one of us is so foolish as to claim that the demand for Woman Suffrage should have been made a test question in the active programme of our Austrian comrades. That would have been a crime. But it is another question when it is said in the beginning of the struggle that the question should be entirely kept out of the fight. We, therefore, regret that both in the agitation and in Parliament these questions should have been put on one side, and we hope that afterwards they will receive the consideration they deserve. But at present no action is being taken to show the connection between an extension of the Suffrage and the granting of Woman Suffrage. The Democrat Hock has made a motion in favour of Woman Suffrage, while two reactionaries, Hrubi and Kaiser, have advocated ladies’ Suffrage. Our comrade Dr. Adler then also took part in the question in a determined manner, and it is to be regretted that this was not done from the first. If retaliation was feared from our opponents it would have been easier to meet this if we had presented a united front to our opponents. In such a question as this we should always act from the point of view of principle. For the fight for the Suffrage is a struggle for the capture of political power by the proletariat. This is what the middle classes well understand, and that is why they fight against us with great vivacity, great energy, great wickedness whenever we agitate for an extension of the franchise. They fear the growing power of the proletariat, and they will never concede this reform to us from a sense of justice, but only because they are afraid of us. And this brings me again to the question, and I ask: “Do we strengthen our power, and do we take the best way of strengthening our cause by putting this demand in the background?” We must broaden the basis of our demands in order to get better terms for the masses.
I must refer to another historical point. When in the mass we agitate for Woman Suffrage we are weak in marching against the enemy because we have to reckon with those who are half-hearted and those who are hostile in our own ranks. We must put on one side all questions which would divide men and women, and we must compel all middle-class parties to take part in the question of granting Woman Suffrage.