“Were it possible, they would have added to this terrible system: for they have offered the inhabitants of these states to be exported by their merchants to the sickly, baneful climes of India, there to perish: an offer not accepted, merely from the impracticability of carrying it into execution.

“Notwithstanding these great provocations we have treated such of them as fell into our hands with tenderness, and studiously endeavoured to alleviate the afflictions of their captivity. This conduct we have pursued so far as to be by them stigmatized with cowardice, and by our friends with folly. But our dependence was not upon man. It was upon Him who hath commanded us to love our enemies and to render good for evil. And what can be more wonderful than the manner of our deliverance? How often have we been reduced to distress, and yet been raised up? When the means to prosecute the war have been wanting to us, have not our foes themselves been rendered instrumental in providing them? This hath been done in such a variety of instances so peculiarly marked almost by the direct interposition of Providence, that not to feel and acknowledge his protection, would be the height of impious ingratitude.

“At length that God of battles, in whom was our trust, hath conducted us through the paths of danger and distress to the thresholds of security. It hath now become morally certain, that if we have courage to persevere we shall establish our liberties and independence. The haughty prince who spurned us from his feet with contumely and disdain; and the parliament which proscribed us, now descend to offer terms of accommodation. Whilst in the full career of victory, they pulled off the mask and avowed their intended despotism. But having lavished in vain the blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit of this execrable purpose, they now endeavour to ensnare us with the insidious offers of peace. They would seduce you into a dependence which, necessarily, inevitably leads to the most humiliating slavery. And do they believe that you will accept these fatal terms? Because you have suffered the distresses of war, do they suppose that you will basely lick the dust before the feet of your destroyers? Can there be an American so lost to the feelings which adorn human nature—to the generous pride, the elevation, the dignity of freedom? Is there a man who would not abhor a dependence upon those who have deluged his country in the blood of its inhabitants? We cannot suppose this, neither is it possible that they themselves can expect to make many converts. What then is their intention? Is it not to lull you with the fallacious hopes of peace, until they can assemble new armies to prosecute their nefarious designs? If this is not the case, why do they strain every nerve to levy men throughout their islands? Why do they meanly court every little tyrant of Europe to sell them his unhappy slaves? Why do they continue to embitter the minds of the savages against you? Surely this is not the way to conciliate the affections of America. Be not therefore deceived. You have still to expect one severe conflict. Your foreign alliances, though they secure your independence, cannot secure your country from desolation, your habitations from plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your children from butchery. Foiled in their principal design, you must expect to feel the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then! to your tents! and gird you for battle. It is time to turn the headlong current of vengeance upon the heads of the destroyers. They have filled up the measure of their abominations, and like ripe fruit must soon drop from the tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do. Expect not peace whilst any corner of America is in possession of your foes. You must drive them away from the land of promise, a land flowing indeed with milk and honey. Your brethren at the extremities of the continent already implore your friendship and protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and thirst after liberty. Be it yours to dispense the heavenly gift. And what is there now to prevent it?

“After the unremitted efforts of our enemies we are stronger than before. Nor can the wicked emissaries who so assiduously labour to promote their cause, point out any one reason to suppose that we shall not receive daily accessions of strength. They tell you, it is true, that your money is of no value; and your debts so enormous that they can never be paid. But we tell you that if Britain persecutes the war another campaign, that single campaign will cost her more than we have hitherto expended; and yet these men would prevail upon you to take up that immense load, and for it to sacrifice your dearest rights; for surely there is no man so absurd as to suppose that the least shadow of liberty can be preserved in a dependant connexion with Great Britain. From the nature of the thing it is evident that the only security you could obtain, would be the justice and moderation of a parliament who have sold the rights of their own constituents. And this slender security is still farther weakened by the consideration that it was pledged to rebels, (as they unjustly call the good people of these states,) with whom they think they are not bound to keep faith by any law whatsoever. Thus would you be cast bound among men whose minds, by your virtuous resistance, have been sharpened to the keenest edge of revenge. Thus would your children and your children’s children, be by you forced to a participation of all their debts, their wars, their luxuries and their crimes; and this mad and this impious system they would lead you to adopt because of the derangement of your finances.

“It becomes you deeply to reflect on this subject. Is there a country upon earth which hath such resources for the payment of her debts as America? Such an extensive territory; so fertile, so blessed in its climate and productions. Surely there is none. Neither is there any to which the wise Europeans will sooner confide their property. What then are the reasons that your money hath depreciated? Because no taxes have been imposed to carry on the war; because your commerce hath been interrupted by your enemies’ fleets; because their armies have ravaged and desolated a part of your country; because their agents have villanously counterfeited your bills; because extortioners among you, inflamed with the lust of gain, have added to the price of every article of life; and because weak men have been artfully led to believe that it is of no value. How is this dangerous disease to be remedied? Let those among you who have leisure and opportunity collect the monies which individuals in their neighbourhood are desirous of placing in the public funds. Let the several legislatures sink their respective emissions, that so there being but one kind of bills there may be less danger of counterfeits. Refrain a little from purchasing those things which are not absolutely necessary, that so those who have engrossed commodities may suffer, (as they deservedly will,) the loss of their ill gotten hoards, by reason of the commerce with foreign nations, which the fleets will protect. Above all, bring forward your armies into the field. Trust not to appearances of peace or safety. Be assured that unless you persevere you will be exposed to every species of barbarity. But if you exert the means of defence which God and nature have given you, the time will soon arrive when every man shall sit under his own vine and fig-tree, and there shall be none to make him afraid.

“The sweets of a free commerce with every part of the earth will soon reimburse you for all the losses you have sustained. The full tide of wealth will flow in upon your shores, free from the arbitrary impositions of those whose interest and whose declared policy it was to check your growth. Your interests will be fostered and nourished by governments that derive their power from your grant, and will be obliged, by the influence of cogent necessity, to exert it in your favour.

“It is to obtain these things that we call for your strenuous, unremitted exertions. Yet do not believe that you have been or can be saved merely by your own strength. No! it is by the assistance of heaven; and this you must assiduously cultivate by acts which heaven approves. Thus shall the power and the happiness of these sovereign, free and independent states, founded on the virtue of their citizens, increase, extend and endure, until the Almighty shall blot out all the empires of the earth.”

This brilliant display of talent closed the congressional labours of this devoted friend of liberty. He retired with all the honours of a statesman, a sage, a patriot and an honest man. He had stood firmly at his post a faithful public servant, a bold advocate for freedom and the rights of man, an acute and discerning counsellor in every emergency, a fearless champion in times of danger, an ornament to his country and a terror to his enemies. As a working man he had no superior, as a debater he had but few equals. Without the mellifluous elocution of a Cicero, or any pleonastic parade, he spoke forcibly, reasoned closely, demonstrated clearly and deduced conclusively. He sought to inform the judgment, enlighten the understanding and to convince by sound argument. After the close of the revolution, Mr. Chase was sent to England to prosecute a claim in favour of Maryland for bank stock, and obtained for the state six hundred and fifty thousand dollars. His journal during his absence shows that he was a close observer of men and things in the minutest particulars. His high attainments as a lawyer, a scholar and a statesman—his frank and gentlemanly deportment and his thorough and persevering business habits, made a very favourable impression upon the British barristers and members of parliament. He remained in Europe nearly a year, and on his return resumed the practice of law.

In 1786, he removed to Baltimore, in consequence of which his worthy friend, Colonel Howard, at whose solicitation he changed his residence, conveyed to him in fee a square of ten lots of ground situated near the plot designed for the public buildings, on the condition that he located upon it. This square is bounded by Eutaw, Lexington, Fayette and Paca streets, and the mansion house built by Mr. Chase is still owned by his descendants.

In 1788, he was appointed chief justice of the new criminal court organized for the then town and county of Baltimore, and the same year was a member of the Maryland convention that ratified the federal constitution. In 1791, he was appointed chief justice of the general court of his native state; and in 1796, he was appointed, by President Washington, an associate judge of the supreme court of the United States, which dignified station he filled with great ability to the time of his demise. He was esteemed one of the ablest judges upon the bench, and when serving in the courts below, seldom had one of his decisions reversed. His expositions of law and his charges to juries were learned, luminous, logical and profound. His manner was forcible, impressive and commanding. With all this lustre around him, and with his great and acknowledged services in the cause of the revolution still green and fresh, Judge Chase was placed in the crucible of severe and unrelenting persecution, prompted alone by political animosity, created by the lofty independence of thought and expression before alluded to, and which prepared him to act a bold, conspicuous and useful part, when the fury of British wrath was poured out upon his country.