The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution

by L. Carroll Judson

With his ardor and zeal he united prudence and discretion—was a friend to order and cool deliberation. He acted from enlightened principles—aiming to build every superstructure on the firm basis of reason and justice. To this nobleness of design—conceived and adhered to by all the signers of the Declaration, may be attributed that lofty dignity which pervades that unique document.

Revolution is a tornado rarely chastened by prudence or discretion to neutralize its baneful effects. Up to the time of the American Revolution history claims no body of men to compare with those who constituted the Continental Congress—men who commanded the whirlwind of passion to stay its fury—who conducted the lightning of revenge by the silken thread of reason to the goal of deliberation.

Mr. Rutledge was made a member of several important committees. He was appointed, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to meet Lord Howe when he came to offer terms of ministerial peace. They were received with marked attention and respect by the royal messenger. He only had power to pardon repenting rebels—these were not to be found. His insulting proposition was repelled with indignation. The committee disclaimed all allegiance to the crown—it had been sacrificed at the shrine of an ambitious and oppressive ministry. Freedom was their motto—Liberty their watchword—their terms—Independence or Death. They had nobly resolved "to do or die."

As a sound, judicious and able statesman, Mr. Rutledge was highly appreciated. He had also earned laurels in the battle field. He had long commanded a company in the ancient battalion of artillery. When the British landed at Port Royal in 1779, he led his company to the attack with the skill and courage of a veteran. At no Revolutionary battle was more personal bravery displayed than at this—nor was the enemy at any time more chagrined at a total defeat by raw militia. It was a mystery to them to find in the same man the statesman and the hero. He was subsequently elected colonel. During the investment of Charleston on 1780, he was again on military duty—taken prisoner—sent to St. Augustine and was not exchanged for nearly a year. Before his return the dark clouds began to recede before the rays of rising hope and the day star of Liberty.

He returned to his native state and aided in restoring the civil government to order and systematic arrangement He was a member of the enraged Assembly at Jacksonborough in 1782. With his recent personal injuries pressing upon him and those of his friends bleeding fresh before him, he was induced to sanction the bill of pains and penalties, which, under other circumstances he would have opposed. During the time it remained in force he smoothed its roughness as much as possible.

Among those who had been tortured by persecution was his venerable mother who had been taken from her quiet home in the country and confined in Charleston then occupied by the British—because she was the mother of one of the rebels who had signed that burning instrument—the Declaration of Independence—a high compliment to her talents and patriotism—placing her on the list of fame with the noble matrons of Greece and Rome.

During the entire period of the unequal struggle with Great Britain, Mr. Rutledge rendered all the aid in his power to his injured country. At the final termination of hostilities—in a free land and with a free heart he returned to the bosom of his friends and the labors of his profession. His private worth, urbanity of manners and persevering industry in business, gained for him the confidence and esteem of community.

In the organization of the government of the state he took a conspicuous and useful part. Many difficulties were to be surmounted—clashing local interests reconciled and laws adopted to restore to order and harmonious system the confusion consequent upon a change of government. A great commotion existed between debtors and creditors. Specie was not to be had—the paper currency was nearly annihilated—many who had periled life for Liberty and shaken off the foreign yoke felt that they were again in cruel bondage. Many avaricious creditors were as destitute of mercy as the pirate is of compassion. Such bipeds still live, move and have a being—but thanks to the philanthropy and good sense of our legislatures, they are disarmed in many of the states from the most barbarous feature of their power—that of thrusting a poor debtor into prison for the crime of poverty. I am pained to own that there are instances on record in our country where veterans, who bled for our boasted freedom, have been incarcerated by the cold inquisitorial creditor for a sum so trifling that the miser would blush to name it.

As a panacea for this malady a law was passed making land a lawful tender for debts—a law purely republican but obnoxious to avarice and aristocracy. Mr. Rutledge did much to effect the adoption of this measure, imperiously demanded by the then existing circumstances of the community. He also advocated the instalment law and used his best exertions to ameliorate the condition of the poor and do justice to the rich by salutary and humane legislation. He took an active part in the public business generally. When the Federal Constitution was presented to his state for consideration he was in favor of its adoption although it contained some objectionable features in his mind. He was always opposed to slavery deeming it a national curse entailed by England.

If slavery did not exist in the South and the people knew its evils as they only can know and feel them, a very large majority would oppose its introduction. I have recently travelled in most of the southern states and speak from the record. Two-fifths of the white population of those states do not own a slave. The institution is one of a domestic nature to be governed and regulated by themselves. But for the unfortunate interference of our northern brethren, many, but not all of them prompted by philanthropic motives, gradual emancipation would have commenced years ago and left no food for demagogues and disorganizers to gorge themselves upon. Should the South interfere with any of the domestic concerns of the North, resistance would be instantaneous. I am no advocate of slavery—but understanding its origin, progress, present condition and practical operation and the feelings of the South—I repeat, that the interference of the North is a misfortune to the slave and the peace of our common country. But for this, four of the slave states would now be free. This Bohun Upas was dying a natural death—digging around it has renewed its age fifty years. The plan was conceived and put in operation by England through her emissary Dr. Thompson, as a dernier resort to destroy the only republic hated and feared by the crowned heads of Europe. Let the South alone to correct their own evils. Let the subject be consigned to the capulet tombs rather than it should for a moment disturb the harmony of our glorious UNION. To the slave—sudden emancipation would be an irreparable injury. The question is one of fact rather than law—of imperious expediency rather than abstract reasoning. The slaves of the South are better bred, fed and clothed and more intelligent than the great majority of free negroes in free states.