The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution

by L. Carroll Judson

Mr. Smith was original in everything. With a strong mind, an open and honest heart, a benevolent and manly disposition—he united great conviviality and amusing drollery—yet so discreet and chaste as not to offend the most modest ear. He delighted in seeing the contortions of the risible muscles which were uniformly on duty in all proper circles when James Smith was present. Whenever he came in contact with a pedant he would propound some ludicrous question to him with the utmost gravity—such as this—"Don't you remember that terrible bloody battle which Alexander fought with the Russians near the straits of Babelmandel? I think you will find the account in Thucydides or Herodotus." His memory was retentive and stored with numerous anecdotes which he sometimes related in court and often in company to amuse his friends. His manner was original beyond imitation. With all his wit and humor he held religion in great veneration and was a communicant of the church. No one that knew him dare utter one word against it in his presence, knowing that his cutting lash of keen ridicule would at once be applied. Such a mixture of qualities are rarely blended in one man. His mind ranged with the quickness of lightning from the deep-toned logic and the profoundest thought to the eccentric ludicrous—all balanced by the equilibrium of discretion and each used at the appropriate time and place. His manner, language, style—everything which he said or did from the most trivial circumstance to the momentous concerns of the nation was purely original.

Of the affairs of his country James Smith was not an idle spectator. No man delights in liberty and independence more than an Irishman. Nor have the Irish people a warm affection for mother Britain. As oppressed as she is, no nation is more sensitive of her rights than "sweet Ireland." When British oppression showed its hydra head in the American Colonies Mr. Smith took a terrible dislike to the baste and declared he would make fight, unless it withdrew its visible deformity at once. His heart beat high for his adopted country—he came promptly to the rescue. At that time he resided at York and was extensively engaged in iron works and pressed with professional business. He had never consented to fill public stations. Nothing but the importance of the crisis could have induced him to enter the public arena. He reasoned as did Josiah Quincy that—"We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend—we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us—we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy and insatiable revenge which actuate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our midst—to hope we shall end this controversy without the sharpest—sharpest conflicts—to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations and popular vapor will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue—let us look to the end."

Mr. Smith was a man who looked at the beginning and ending. He examined closely causes, effects and results. He understood human nature and knew well the pulsations of the colonists. He believed the bone and sinew of the land would never yield to the tyranny of mother Britain without a "sharp conflict." For that conflict he was prepared. He well knew that there was but little sinecure mushroom dandy stock on-hand—that the great mass was bone and sinew of the first water. He was for prompt action. A convention of delegates from each county in the state was convened to consider the course proposed by the patriots of New England when the Revolutionary storm had commenced its precursory droppings. Of this convention Mr. Smith was a prominent member and one of the committee that prepared an address to the members of the general Assembly recommending them to appoint delegates to the proposed general Congress with the following instructions which specify the grievances complained of.

"We desire you therefore—that the deputies you appoint may be instructed by you strenuously to exert themselves at the ensuing Congress to obtain a renunciation on the part of Great Britain of all the powers under the statute of 35th Henry VIII. ch 2d—of all the powers of internal legislation—of imposing duties or taxes internal or external and of regulating trade except with respect to any new articles of commerce which the Colonies may hereafter raise—as silk, wine, &c. reserving a right to carry them from one colony to another—a repeal of all statutes for quartering troops in the colonies or subjecting them to any expense on account of such troops—of all statutes imposing duties to be paid in the colonies that were passed at the accession of his present majesty or before this time, whichever period shall be judged most advisable—of the statutes giving the Courts of Admiralty in the Colonies greater power than the Courts of Admiralty in England—of the statutes of 5th George II. ch. 22d and of the 23d of George II. ch. 29th—of the statute for shutting up the Port of Boston and of every other statute particularly affecting the province of Massachusetts Bay passed in the last session of Parliament. If all the terms abovementioned cannot be obtained, it is our opinion that the measures adopted by the Congress for our relief should never be relinquished or intermitted until those relating to the troops—internal legislation—imposition of taxes or duties hereafter—the 35th of Henry VIII. ch. 2d—the extension of Admiralty Courts—the Port of Boston and the Province of Massachusetts Bay are obtained. Every modification or qualification of these points in our judgment should be inadmissible."

By these instructions, directly from the people, we can judge of the feeling that pervaded the great mass of the yeomanry at that time. By referring to the instructions given to the delegates to Congress by the general Assembly, it will be seen that royal influence pervaded that body as they contain scarcely a feature or point similar to those from the primary convention of the people. See them in the life of Ross. That the reader may more fully understand the points referred to in the instructions above copied I will explain the statutes alluded to in their order.

By the statute of 35th Henry VIII. ch. 2d a citizen of America was liable to be arrested and taken to England to be tried for high crimes. By the 5th of George II. ch. 23d the colonists were prohibited from exporting hats and hatters were limited to a specific number of apprentices—"that hatting may be better encouraged in Great Britain." The statute 23d George II. ch. 29th imposed similar but more numerous restrictions—the whole and the other particulars named in the instructions being in violation of the constitution of England and of the charters predicated upon it. Constitutional and charter privileges had grown sacred by long and acknowledged usage, by learned and legal construction and by numerous declaratory Acts of the British Parliament passed when sitting under the mantle of reason, justice and sound policy. So fully convinced was Mr. Smith of the true issue between the Colonies and mother Britain that on his return home he raised a company of volunteers and was elected captain by acclamation. This was the pioneer company of Pennsylvania raised for the purpose of confronting the ugly baste—tyranny. It was nine months before the bloody affair at Lexington, showing that Mr. Smith had arrived at a correct conclusion as to the true issue. He introduced thorough discipline in his new corps and imparted to every member the same patriotic fire that illuminated his own noble soul. Around this military nucleus the bone and sinew continued to rally until a regiment was raised. Mr. Smith accepted the honorary title of Colonel but imposed the active commanding duties upon a younger man. He had put the ball in motion and was gratified to see it rolling onward with increasing momentum towards the goal of Liberty. When the time arrived for action this regiment did honor to all concerned.

Mr. Smith was a member of the next people's convention which convened at Philadelphia in January 1775. He was one of the foremost to oppose force to force and peril life for freedom. He was called an ultra whig and accused of treating the government of his most Christian majesty indecorously. His patriotism had carried him six months in advance of most of the leading men. No one could outstrip him in zeal in the cause of equal rights. His course was onward—right onward to action. For this the time soon arrived. In the spring of 1776 he was on a committee with Dr. Rush and Col. Bayard to organize a camp of 4500 troops to be raised in Pennsylvania. No man was better calculated to render efficient service in this important branch of business. The committee immediately prepared an appeal to the yeoman military which was approved by Congress and widely circulated. It was written in bold and forcible language pointing to the Independence of the Colonies as the great incentive to action. It had a powerful and salutary effect and met with a response from the people that, caused the hirelings of the crown to fly from the province like chaff before the wind. The complement of men was promptly raised.

Almost simultaneous with the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence by Congress a convention of delegates convened for the purpose of raising the arch of a republican constitution and government over the Keystone State. Of this convention Mr. Smith was a prominent member and one of the committee that prepared the Declaration of Rights. For this the committee had the guidance of a polar star that had been brought to light by the illustrious Jefferson and placed in the cerulean canopy of Liberty by the Sages of Congress a few days previous. The ultraism of Mr. Smith had become an admired quality and was surnamed patriotism by the very persons who had misconceived it a few months previous. His zeal and worth were then properly appreciated. On the 20th of July he was elected to the Continental Congress without an intimation to him of the intended honor until he was officially notified of the fact. Being at the State convention in Philadelphia he immediately took his seat—enrolled his name with the apostles of Liberty upon the chart of freedom and then returned to the convention and essentially aided in completing the new government of the State.

Early in October he fully assumed his congressional duties. The instructions to the congressional delegates had become reversed in two short years. The first clause is worthy of special notice and should be printed in bold relievo and placed over both chairs in Congress—there to remain through all congressional time. Read and ponder it well ye public men who think more of your personal concerns than the business of your constituents.

"The immense and irreparable injury which a free country may sustain by and the great inconveniences which always arise from a delay of its councils, induce us in the first place strictly to enjoin and require you to give not only a constant but a punctual attendance in Congress."