In the new work of preparing the people for the rational enjoyment of the Independence they had achieved Dr. Bartlett took an active part. Numerous conflicting interests were to be reconciled—an enormous debt was to be paid—many abuses and corruptions were to be corrected—a concert of feeling and action to be produced—the art of self government to be acquired. Storm after storm arose that threatened to throw our nation back into primeval darkness. It required the combined sagacity and wisdom of the boldest sages to preserve the laurels of victory, the trophies of freedom and the chart of our liberty. Long and arduous were the labors that effected a confederated consolidation. During the time this subject was under consideration several of the states were shook to the very centre by internal commotion. That concert of feeling and action which had carried the people through the perils of the war was now lost in the whirlpool of self. UNION was no longer the rallying word with the mass. Fortunately for our country those who stood at the helm during the revolutionary storm were still at the post of duty. Reason slowly resumed her sway—wise counsels prevailed—order was restored—liberty was saved.
Dr. Bartlett was a member of the Convention of N. H. that adopted the Federal Constitution and gave it his zealous support. In 1789 he was elected to the U. S. Senate—the next year President of N. H. and in 1793 was elected the first governor of the state under the new order of things. He enjoyed the universal esteem of his constituents and discharged the duties of the numerous offices he filled with so much dignity, wisdom and prudence that envy and slander could find no crevice for an entering wedge.
Worn down with toil—old age ploughing deep furrows in his face for the last seed time—the confines of a brighter world just before him, he resigned his authority and closed his public career on the 29th of January 1794, covered with living honors and not a spot to tarnish the glory of his fair escutcheon. He then retired to private life full of hope—anticipating the domestic enjoyments always desirable to those who accept of public office for the sake of their country—not for the sake of the loaves and fishes. But these long desired enjoyments were of short duration. Disease fastened its relentless grasp upon him. On the 19th of May 1795, his happy spirit left its tenement of clay—ascended to Him who gave it—leaving a nation to mourn the loss of one of its brightest ornaments—one of its noblest patriots.
In his private character he fulfilled the duties of citizen, friend, husband, father and Christian. No man was more generally esteemed—no man more richly deserved it. In his whole life we have one of the fairest pictures drawn upon the easel of history. His public career was of that solid character that imparts substantial usefulness. Without dazzling, his course was right onward in the cause of universal philanthropy. He could look back upon a life well spent—he stood approved at the stern tribunal of conscience. He nobly fulfilled the design of his creation—discharged his duty to his country, his fellow men and his God. He left examples that stand as beacon lights to erring man to guide him safely through this vale of tears—to statesmen and patriots to induce them to put forth their noblest powers to preserve our UNION.
CARTER BRAXTON.
Men who forget right and abuse power often undermine the foundation of their own citadel. In reaching after more authority and larger enjoyments improperly, they are often shorn of what they have. Thus it was with England when she imposed unwarranted taxes and restrictions upon the American Colonies. Previous to the causes that produced the Revolution the plan of an independent government was ideal and had entered the minds of but few. With these it was only a nursling in theory not practically anticipated. When the impolitic measures of the British ministry were first reduced to practice the Colonists stood upon the firm basis, the broad platform of their chartered rights clearly defined and well understood and believed their grievances must and would be redressed when respectful petitions should be laid before the king. These were repeatedly forwarded to him couched in allegiate and eloquent language to which he turned a deaf ear, thus forging the first link in the revolutionary chain. Parliament was vainly appealed to. Remonstrances formed the next link in this chain. These were treated with contumely. A formal demand to desist from oppression in bold but still respectful language—every word breathing allegiance to the king was the third link in this chain but all to no purpose. The ministerial horse leech cry—give—give—GIVE—came rushing across the broad Atlantic from Albion's shore and pierced more deeply the wounded hearts of the imploring suppliants. Resolutions of non-importation formed the fourth link. These were answered by threats and menaces. Preparations to resist formed the fifth link. These resulted in an open and wanton attack upon American citizens on the heights of Lexington when the great seal of allegiance was dissolved in blood. The sixth link was the war cry which roused millions to resolve on liberty or death. The Declaration of Rights was the seventh and swivel link to the golden chain of Liberty forged by the patriots of '76 which formed an impassable barrier to the power of Great Britain over the colonies. The broad ring of the Federal Constitution perfected this mighty chain which has thus far held the ship of state safely to her moorings amidst the storms that have been raised by foreign foes and internal traitors.
Among those who aided in forging this golden chain of Liberty was Carter Braxton son of George Braxton a wealthy planter who resided on the north bank of the Mattapony river, where he owned a large tract of valuable land situated in the county of King and Queen in Virginia. At this delightful place Carter was born on the 10th of September 1736. His connections were numerous, wealthy and of the first respectability. Several of them were crown officers at various periods. Carter was raised amidst the splendor of opulence without the tender care of a mother to correct his childish foibles or the wise counsels of a father to guard him against the errors of youth. The former died when he was but seven days old—the latter when he was a small boy. He was liberally educated at the college of William and Mary. At the age of nineteen he married the beautiful and amiable Judith Robinson who was very wealthy. He entered into full possession of his large estate, which, united with that of his wife, constituted a princely fortune. She survived but a brief period leaving two daughters, the youngest but a few hours old.
Borne down by grief Mr. Braxton visited England where he remained nearly three years and added greatly to his previous stock of knowledge. He became familiar with the feelings and designs of that kingdom towards his native country. His rank and fortune gave him access to the nobility from whom he obtained much valuable information relative to the ministerial conclave then concocting plans to support royalty in Great Britain by forcing money from the hardy pioneers of America. Although his relatives and friends were many of them favorites of the King and everything around him was calculated to foster aristocracy and bind him to those in power, he became a bold opposer of British usurpations and a warm advocate of liberal principles and equal rights.
In 1760 he returned from Europe and was elected to the House of Burgesses and became an active and prominent member. His knowledge of the intentions of the mother country to impose increasing burdens upon the Americans enabled him to fully understand every movement of the monarchical hirelings around him. In 1765 he was in the House of Burgesses and was a warm supporter of the bold resolutions offered by Patrick Henry relative to the Stamp Act. He was in the House in 1769 when the proceedings of the members excited the ire of Gov. Bottetourt so highly that he dissolved them without ceremony. They immediately repaired to a private room in Williamsburg and entered into a solemn agreement not to import any articles from the mother country until their chartered rights were restored. The same members were elected to the next session. Being aware of the kind of material he had to manage the shrewd Governor lulled them into a more quiet mood by the siren song of promises of redress. They had yet to learn that deceit is an important part of political machinery. Still cherishing hopes that their rights would be restored they waited in respectful but watchful silence. In the House there were seven standing committees—on courts of justice, public claims, elections, privileges, trade, grievances, proposition and on religion. Of the three last Mr. Braxton was uniformly a member.