Although the American Revolution did not originate in fanaticism—the centrifugal zeal of many of its able advocates carried them beyond the orbit of prudence. Upon such men Mr. Clark exercised a happy influence. Although they may not be able to make a flowery speech of three hours or three days at the expense of thousands to our nation—yet it is to such men we must look for the perpetuity of our UNION. It is for them to steer the ship of State clear from the rocks and shoals of error and avoid the breakers of rashness, intrigue and corruption. They are the neutralizers of the inflammatory gases that fly from the fiery craniums of many of our legislators who are more classical than discreet—more in the forum than in the committee room—more anxious to advance their party than the good of their country.

Mr. Clark was warmly in favor of the Declaration of Independence. For this strong and important measure he had long been prepared from a strong conviction that no reasonable or honorable terms would be sanctioned by the ambitious and haughty ministry of Great Britain. He believed that abject slavery awaited the colonists unless the gordian knot of allegiance was cut at one bold stroke. On the 4th of July 1776, his affirmative vote and signature upon the chart of Liberty proved his sincerity and gained for him the approval of his conscience and the approbation of admiring millions.

He was continued in Congress for seven consecutive years, except spending one session in the state legislature. Owing to his naturally strong and highly cultivated mind, great industry and extensive fund of practical knowledge, he was one of the most useful members of the national legislature. From 1783 to 1788 he was a member of the legislature in his own state. So great was his influence that every act that excited public attention was attributed to him.

Mr. Clark was a strong advocate for the Convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He was appointed a member but extreme illness prevented his attendance. In 1788 he was again elected to Congress. At the next congressional election he was defeated for the first time. This reminds me of the law of Ostracism in the Republic of Athens under which many of its citizens were banished by the same demagogue party spirit that has banished many of our best men from the political arena. Mr. Clark was then appointed to the important station of commissioner to settle the state accounts with the general government. At the ensuing election the people, upon a sober second thought, again elected him to Congress of which he remained a member up to the time of his death. He died in June 1794 from the effects of coup de soleil

Mr. Clark was truly pious, a pure patriot and an honest man. He was a faithful public sentinel, a kind and affectionate friend, an honorable and generous opponent. His death was deeply mourned by our nation and most keenly felt by his numerous personal friends. His fame is worthy of the highest encomiums—his example should be more closely imitated.

GEORGE CLYMER.

Learning makes the man, is an adage too old to be used as a quotation but which time or angels can never stamp with truth. Unless the man is made by the Creator of all good, learning cannot do it. The mental powers of man are as diversified as the soils of earth and as well deserve classification. Upon the minds of some we may pour a continued stream from the fountain of knowledge but like the desert of Sahara they are barren of fruit or flower. Upon other minds laborious efforts produce an improvement but never enrich them. Their upper crust is too light—their substratum too porous to retain the fructifying substances lavished upon them. Others yield a liberal harvest by good culture and become valuable by use. Like the alluvial prairies, others are adorned with fruits and flowers. They only require the introduction of seed to afford all the rich varieties of products that may be desired. Expose them to the genial rays of the sun of science—the germs of genius will immediately spring up—the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the rose.

The mental powers of George Clymer were composed of a deep and prolific mould capable of producing the richest fruits. Fortunately for our country it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers and blooming shrubbery but to the substantial fruits that invigorate and support life. He was born in Philadelphia, Pa. in 1739. His father removed to that city from Bristol, England and died when George was but seven years old. William Coleman, his maternal uncle, took him into his family, treated him as a son and made him heir to most of his property. Being a literary man he gave his nephew every facility for the acquirement of a good education. He had an extensive library and rejoiced to see it explored by young George who manifested an early taste for reading and investigated critically every subject that came before him. He traced it through all its meanderings to its primeval source. This trait in his character rendered him vastly useful in the momentous concerns of his subsequent life. He dug deep and laid firmly the foundations of his education—the superstructure was on a firm basis.

From the seminary George went into the counting-house of his uncle and became thoroughly acquainted with the mercantile business in which he finally embarked. This calling was too precarious to suit his equipoised mind. He was opposed to sudden gains or losses—the one elated the mind too much—the other depressed it too low—destroying the divine equilibrium calculated to impart the greatest happiness to man and assimilate him to his Creator. He believed a virtuous equality in life more conducive to the prosperity of a nation than to have the majority of wealth wielded by a favored few. The former tended to republicanism—the latter to aristocracy. He was in favor of equal rights, a patriot of the Roman school, a philanthropist of the first water—opposed to all monopolies. His genius was of that original order, that, like some comets, visit our world only at long intervals. It traversed the circuit of human nature, metaphysics, philosophy, physiology, ethics and general science without an apparent effort—drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. He was a virtuoso, an amateur, a deep logician and an acute mathematician. A love of liberty was innate with him. His mind was richly stored with the history of other times and nations—he was well versed in the principles of law and government—he understood the chartered rights of his country and felt, most keenly, the increasing infringements upon them by the very power that was bound by the laws of nature, man and God to respect them. He was among the first to resist the oppressors of his country and proclaim to his fellow-citizens the principles of freedom. At the tea meeting held by the people of Philadelphia on the 16th of Oct. 1773, his powerful reasoning, deep sincerity, ardent zeal and enthusiastic patriotism—commanded the admiration of all who heard him. Free from pedantry and naturally retiring—his powers of mind were known only to his immediate friends. From that time his talents were claimed as public property. He was compelled to surrender possession without the formality of a mandamus, quo warranto certiorari or appeal.