In 1782 he was an efficient member of the committee on public accounts the duties of which were large and perplexing. Speculation and peculation had rolled their dark waves over the public business of the nation—to do justice to all who presented claims was a problematical matter. In 1784 he was upon the committee to act upon the definitive treaty with Great Britain. He was upon the committee to define the power of the Treasury Board—the one upon Foreign Relations and the one upon the War Office. To crown his brilliant labors in Congress with resplendent glory, he advocated the resolution of Mr. King to abolish slavery in the United States. His whole force was brought to bear upon this subject in a strain of forensic eloquence and powerful logic that added fresh lustre to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed. Then the subject was legitimate for Congress—now it belongs to each state interested.
In 1785 Mr. Ellery retired from political life and repaired to his now peaceful home to replenish his ruined fortune and enjoy the blessings of the Independence he had so much aided in consummating. In the spring of 1786 Congress made him commissioner of the National Loan Office for Rhode Island. Shortly after he was elected Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of his native state. On his accession to the Presidential chair, Washington appointed him Collector of Customs for Newport which station he ably filled until he took his tranquil departure to a brighter world. The evening of his life was as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset. Universally esteemed—he enjoyed a delightful intercourse with a large circle of friends. Honest, punctual and correct—he had the confidence of the commercial community in his official station. During the thirty years he was Collector of Customs, a loss of only two hundred dollars upon bond accrued to government and upon that bond he had taken five sureties. He spent much of his time in reading classic authors and in corresponding with eminent men. But three weeks before his death he wrote an essay upon Latin prosody and the faults of public speakers. His bible was a favorite companion from which he drew and drank the living waters of eternal life. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing—his company was a rich treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a sprightliness and solidity rarely found.
His death was as remarkable as it was tranquil and glorious. It was that of a Christian and philosopher. On the morning of the 15th of February 1820 he rose in usual health and seated himself in the flag-bottom chair which he had used for fifty years and which was a relic rescued from the flames when the enemy fired his buildings. He commenced reading Tully's Officiis in his favorite Latin without the aid of glasses the print being no larger than that of a pocket bible. During the morning the family physician called in and seeing him very pale felt his wrist and found his pulse had ceased. He administered a little wine which gave a transient impetus to the purple current. The physician spoke encouragingly to whom Mr. Ellery replied—"It is idle to talk to me in this way. I am going off the stage of life and it is a great blessing that I go free from sickness, pain and sorrow." Becoming extremely weak his daughter helped him on the bed where he sat upright and commenced reading Cicero de Officiis with the same composure as if in the full vigor of life. In a few moments his spirit left its tenement of clay without a motion, groan or sigh—his body still erect with the book under his chin as if asleep. William Ellery was dead—relations and friends wept—our nation mourned.
Thus usefully lived and happily died one of the brightest specimens of human excellence. His whole career presents a rare and rich picture upon which the imagination may feast, with increasing delight and which cannot be rendered more beautiful or interesting by the finest touches of the pencil of fancy dipped in the most brilliant color of romance. He was of the middle stature, well formed, with a large head; an intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate in his physical movements and with all his vivacity generally had a grave aspect. He was temperate, plain and uniform in his habits and dress and could seldom be induced to join in chase after the ignis fatuus—fashion. For many years before his death his wardrobe was of an order belonging to a by-gone generation. His courtesy and hospitality were always conspicuous—the whole frame-work of his character was embellished with all the rich varieties of amiable and good qualities—uniting beauty with strength which ever gain esteem in life and tranquillity in death. Reader contemplate this bright picture until its impress is so deeply fixed upon your mind that nought but death can erase it.
WILLIAM FLOYD.
Lexicographers define ambition to be an earnest desire of power, honor, preferment, pride. Some who study party politics more than philosophy, physiology or ethics, call all the laudable desires of the heart ambition—aiming to strip the monster of its deformity that they may sail under false colors and play the pirate whenever an opportunity offers. The power that is gained by ambition is held by a slender tenure—often a mere rope of sand. Its hero may receive the homage of the multitude one day and be the victim of their fury the next. The summit of vain ambition is often the depth of misery. Based on a volcanic foundation it is in constant danger of an eruption. Inflated by a gaseous thirst for power, like a balloon with hydrogen, it is liable to an explosion from the very material that elevated it. Predicated on self—it spurns philanthropy, banishes charity, tramples on justice, despises patriotism, deals largely in the corrosive sublimate of falsehood, the elixir vitriol of revenge—the assafœtida of duplicity. Like a kite, it cannot rise in a calm and when up, is subject to fly from its fastenings and be rent by the cross currents ever in motion. The fulcrum of ignorance and the lever of party spirit form its magic power.
Some European writers have charged the patriots of the American Revolution with selfish ambition. They may be excused for this supposition from the fact that this is the motive power of their actions and they can understand no other. Very different was the fact. Private virtue, broad charity, genuine philanthropy, undisguised patriotism were marked characteristics of those who achieved our Liberty. They were actuated by pure and honest motives—not by wild ambition and political frenzy. Noisy partisans and intriguing demagogues were not the favorites of the people at that trying period. The man of genuine worth and modest merit was the one they delighted to honor and trust.
In the character of William Floyd these qualities were happily blended. He was born at Suffolk county, Long Island, State of New York on the 17th of December 1734. He was the son of Mr. Nicoll Floyd and the grandson of Richard Floyd who came from Wales in 1680 and settled at Setauket, Long Island. During his childhood William was remarkable for frankness, truth, docility and pleasing manners. He was an industrious student and acquired a liberal education. During the prosecution of his studies he devoted a short period almost daily to his gun in pursuit of game which gave him healthful exercise and a strong frame. His father died before William arrived at his majority leaving him an ample fortune. This he managed with prudence and economy. From his youth he had been the advocate of liberal principles. At manhood he became a prominent opposer to the innovations of the British ministers upon the chartered rights of Americans. As oppression increased his patriotic feelings were more frequently and freely expressed. He was an active and zealous member of the Congress of 1774. He had the unlimited confidence of his constituents—the esteem of all who knew him. His cool deliberation and calm deportment were well calculated to preserve an equilibrium among those of a more fiery temperament and rashness in action. That Congress was remarkable for clear and unanswerable argument, calm and astute discussion, wise and judicious plans—reasonable but firm purposes. The course pursued operated powerfully and favorably upon the minds of reflecting men whose influence it was important to secure.
Mr. Floyd had command of the militia of the county in which he lived. When the British attempted to land at Gardner's Bay he promptly assembled the yeoman troops and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he was again at his post in Congress and became one of its very efficient members. He was a working man and almost constantly engaged on important committees. During his absence the enemy obtained possession of Long Island and compelled his family to flee to Connecticut for safety. His property was materially injured—his house converted into a military barrack and for seven years he was deprived of all resources from his farm. In 1776 he was a warm advocate of the Declaration and with great satisfaction placed his name upon that sacred instrument. In 1777 he was elected to the first Senate of the Empire State convened under the new order of things. He was a leading member and rendered important services in forming a code of republican laws.