Mr. Morris was a sterling patriot and did not look upon the commoving political elements with indifference. He had inhaled the atmosphere of inherent freedom—his soul was roused to god-like action—he resolved to hold his life and fortune subject to the drafts of Liberty. If self had held her withering sway he would have remained a loyal slave. His interests were entirely commercial—his wealth was exposed to the destructive power of the mother country. He amassed it only to do good. He was not fastidious as to the manner it was distributed so that his noble aim might be accomplished—the salvation of his country.

He was a member of the Congress of 1774 and took an unflinching stand against British oppression. Extensively and favorably known—his influence was of high importance to the friends of justice. Being an able financier he was hailed as the most efficient manager of the monetary department. To provide ways and means he was fully authorized. Most nobly did he discharge his duty. Unfortunately no office of finance was then created to enable him to control the disbursements. The money he continued to provide—often from his private funds. When Congress fled before the conquering foe to Baltimore in 1776 Mr. Morris remained in Philadelphia some days after his colleagues left, for the purpose of raising government funds. In so doing he periled his life, as he had placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence—then sneeringly called the death warrant of the signers by the Tories and their coadjutors—the British. During his stay it became necessary for Congress to raise a specific sum. The treasury was empty. Notice of the wants of the army was communicated to him. Shortly after he met a member of the Society of Friends whose confidence he had. "What news friend Robert?" "The news is—I am in immediate want of——dollars hard money and you are the man to obtain it for me. Your security is to be my note of hand and my word of honor." "Robert thou shall have it." The money was promptly forwarded to Washington which enabled him to meet the enemy at Trenton with signal success.

Mr. Morris made no parade or vain show in the performance of his duties and often furnished funds through agents under the injunction of secrecy who then had the credit of affording relief on their own account. When Gen. Greene took command of the troops in S. C. they were deplorably destitute of food, clothing and ammunition. To the agreeable astonishment of the army and people Mr. Hall of that state advanced the money to purchase supplies and enabled the General to commence vigorous operations. After the war had closed the accounts of disbursements showed that Mr. Hall had acted under Mr. Morris who furnished the needful from his private purse and saved the army from dissolution. On being made acquainted with the fact at the finance office, General Greene was at first displeased with the act but on analyzing it applauded the wisdom of this secrecy and said—"If I had known that I might have drawn on Robert Morris I should have demanded larger sums and effected no more than was accomplished with the means placed in my hands." His advances to the Southern army nearly produced his pecuniary ruin.

As a financier his genius was of the most prolific kind. When he found every government resource exhausted—the credit of the infant Republic paralyzed—the army writhing under the keenest privations—had his mind been of ordinary calibre he would have abandoned the ship of state amidst the breakers that were dashing over her and reported her to the underwriters as wrecked. But he had resolved never to desert her so long as a plank remained upon the hull or a beam retained its fastenings upon the keel. His own resources were large and his credit upon a firm basis. These were thrown in the breach and warded off the threatened destruction. To save himself and his country he proposed the plan of establishing the Bank of North America. This was sanctioned by Congress and a charter granted on the 7th of January 1782. This bank has ever stood firm amidst all the pecuniary panics and revolutions that have occurred to the present time.

As astounding as the fact may appear the office of Finance was not created until 1781. Up to that time there was no disbursing agent and large sums of money were placed in the hands of irresponsible agents and never reached their legitimate destination. When established it was placed under the control of Mr. Morris who reduced the expenditures of military operations three millions in a single year, showing that self can convert ostensible patriots into knaves no matter how sacred the cause engaged in or how binding the obligation to do justice. Avaunt! thou thing infernal! Had the office of Finance been established at the commencement of hostilities and Mr. Morris made the disbursing agent, the means of prosecuting the war would have been ample—our army would have been full and saved from the dreadful privations endured—our country would have been saved from a large portion of the devastations committed by the enemy—the struggle would probably have been terminated in half the time and the government been able to redeem every dollar of its paper issues. With so much concentrated talent and wisdom as were in the Continental Congress at all times, the problem of this disastrous omission cannot be solved by any approved rules of government or legislation. I have ever looked at it with deep regret and surprise.

Mr. Morris was the Roman Curtius of America, pledging his own fortune to save his country and deliver her from worse than Egyptian bondage. As a demonstration I will particularize one other instance of supplies furnished upon his private credit, which was the means of closing the unequal contest.

When the expedition against Cornwallis was planned by Washington the government treasury was empty and her credit shivering in the wind. The army was in a destitute situation and without the means of prosecuting a siege. Impressed deeply with the importance of the plan Mr. Morris undertook the herculean task of providing supplies for the expedition upon his private credit. Such confidence had Washington in this able financier that he at once took up the line of march. In the short space of four weeks he furnished near eighty pieces of battering cannon and one hundred pieces of field artillery with other necessary supplies not furnished by the South. Although aided by the patriotic Richard Peters he gave his own notes to the amount of one million four hundred thousand dollars which were all paid at maturity. This enabled the Americans to triumphantly close the long and bloody struggle of the Revolution and lay firmly the foundations of the prosperity and government we now enjoy. There was disinterested benevolence crowned with all the majesty of pure devotion to the interests of country and the human family—as free from self as angels are.

Under cover of the firm in which he was a partner—Willing, Morris & Co. many important and advantageous transactions were made for government although apparently for the firm, the large profits of which were placed to the credit of the public treasury. This was conclusively shown by an investigation instituted in Congress on motion of Mr. Laurens at the instance of Mr. Morris in order to repel base slanders put in circulation against this pure and honest patriot.

All the accusations that have been brought against Robert Morris before and since his death, charging him with peculation or speculation in government funds or of any improper conduct towards his country as a public agent are without foundation in fact and out of the record. From the numerous documents I have examined, I am fully convinced that Robert Morris was one of the most disinterested patriots of the Revolution and one of the most efficient instruments in consummating that glorious enterprise. He was so considered by the illustrious Washington—the Continental Congress and by all who were and are properly posted on the subject. General Greene was one of his most ardent admirers, whose biographer—long after the sage and the hero had gone where none but slanderers dare rake up the sacred ashes of the dead, published a tirade of abuse against Mr. Morris that has impaired his dignity as an impartial writer so as to render his envy abortive—his malice powerless. His extracts from public documents are garbled—his conclusions are based on false premises—his innuendos are ungenerous—his attack gratuitous and has justly recoiled upon the proud escutcheon of his literary fame.

The shafts of slander can never mar the fair reputation of this benefactor of our country although hurled like lightning thunderbolts from the whole artillery of malice and revenge. Upon the enduring records of our nation his acts are written. There they stand in bold relievo, bright as the moon, clear as the sun and as withering to his enemies as the burning sand of Sahara.