The Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution

by L. Carroll Judson

On his return from Congress, Mr. Adams was elected to the legislature of Massachusetts under the new constitution. He was also appointed Chief Justice which he declined.

In 1777 he resumed his seat in Congress and performed an amount of labor, which, if imposed upon any ten demagogue legislators of the present day might induce suicide. He was an active member of ninety committees—chairman of twenty-five—chairman of the board of war and appeals, discharged all his duties promptly and was uniformly in his seat when any important measure was under discussion.

In December, 1777, he was appointed a commissioner to France. In February following he embarked on board the frigate Boston. During the voyage a British armed ship hove in sight—an action commenced—Mr. Adams seized a musket, gave the enemy a well-directed shot but was immediately deprived of this recreation by Capt. Tucker, who led him out of danger, pleasantly remarking—"I am commanded by the Continental Congress to carry you in safety to Europe and I will do it."

Before his arrival, Dr. Franklin and his colleague had succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with the French nation. After an absence of a little more than a year he returned and was elected to a convention of his native state, convened for the purpose of perfecting a constitution and the full organization of government. The original draft of the constitution of Massachusetts is from his pen. Before his term closed in this convention he was appointed by Congress—"A minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain." In Oct. 1779, he embarked from Boston. The passage was boisterous, it being February before he arrived at Paris. Chagrin and pride prevented the British ministry from at once placing themselves on an equality with our own. The negotiation, on their part, commenced with equivocations. Mr. Adams could not be ensnared and was determined to submit to nothing wrong and left them to farther reflection.

On learning that Mr. Laurens, American commissioner to Holland, had been captured, Mr. Adams repaired to that kingdom. In August he received a commission from Congress to negotiate a loan—to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce and to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that might arise from regulations to be made by a congress of the European states then in contemplation. In a few months he was overwhelmed with important duties. Minister to Great Britain—to the States General of Holland—to all the European states for pledging the United States to the armed neutrality—with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in Holland and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten millions of dollars for the support of the Home department and foreign embassies. All these duties he discharged with skill and approbation, a lasting monument of the gigantic powers of his mind. At every point he encountered intrigue which he uniformly discovered and crushed in embryo.

In July, 1781, he was directed to repair to Versailles to make a further attempt at negotiation with England. The terms offered did not fully recognize the rights of the United States as an independent nation. Peace was desirable and ardently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who was the head and front of the French cabinet. Mr. Adams was anxious for peace—but only on just, dignified and honorable terms. The Duke, who had uniformly manifested a disposition to make the United States feel a dependence on France, dictated to Mr. Adams, placing him in the position of a subordinate agent. This was a French bull. Mr. Adams recognized no dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen perception and penetrating judgment. This independence of the American minister enraged the Duke. He wrote to the minister of France in the United States to lay a formal complaint before Congress against the recusant for insubordination. This the minister did ingeniously but not successfully. As a matter of respect for their new and important ally, Congress partially modified the instructions of Mr. Adams but did not place him under the dictation of the Duke as requested. They knew the granite man too well to suppose he would ever compromise the dignity of his country. They had full confidence in his capacity to perceive right—in his moral courage to enforce it.

From all the evidence in the premises I am fully convinced that the motives of the French Court in aiding our country during the revolutionary struggle, were not based on patriotism but had ulterior objects in view. Not so with the noble La Fayette and others who came to the rescue.

Again Mr. Adams left ministers to arrive at a second sober thought and learn their true position. He then returned to Amsterdam.

Owing to sad reverses in the cause of freedom the French minister made such an impression in favour of the position of the French cabinet as an umpire between England and the United States, that congress added to the commission of Mr. Adams—Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, and Laurens—with the humiliating directions, "That they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the King of France." The Duke de Vergennes was elated with triumph. He was virtually made sovereign minister of the United States. This act is the darkest spot upon the proud escutcheon of the Continental Congress—an act that I would gladly "expunge from the record." No full apology can be found. The tremendous revolutionary tornado that was then sweeping over our country, charged with the dismaying materials of terror, is a partial one and the true cause of this quailing error.

The exultation of the Duke was transient. Adams and Franklin were there, masters of ceremony. They dared to disobey instructions believing they had been improperly extorted by an intriguing and designing court. They at once took a bold stand and were promptly sustained by their colleagues and ultimately by congress, to which Adams communicated the chicanery of the Duke and the duplicity, or rather the toolicity of the French minister in the United States. The result was glorious. An honourable peace was obtained—the dignity of our nation preserved. A provincial treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782 and a definitive treaty on the 3d day of September, 1783 and all without the advice or consent of the Duke de Vergennes, whose golden schemes of finesse proved abortive. He addressed a bitter letter of reproach to the American commissioners, expressing great astonishment at their presumption in daring to act independent of him, which was not answered.