Chicago, Satan's Sanctum

by L. O. Curon

It is an amusing, as well as an instructive sight, to witness a meeting of the council upon an occasion when some well announced “boodle” ordinance is called up for passage. The plan of campaign has all been arranged beforehand, and the floor leader selected to command the movement. Let it be an ordinance for granting the right to a street railway company to lay down its tracks, and operate its line, in a given street. The preliminaries have all been gone through with, the signatures of property owners verified, and the price to be paid for favorable votes agreed upon. When the ordinance is taken up its opponents are generally in a disorganized condition. There is among them, as a general rule, no coherence of opposition. The main object to be attained, viz., the defeat of the ordinance as it is presented, is lost sight of in the effort “to make records” by the introduction of amendments, reflecting some individual idea of the member who offers it, without having submitted it to his associate opponents for their judgment. Consequently they disagree among themselves and fall to fighting each other, thereby weakening their opposition. Meanwhile the “gang” sits smilingly by, under instructions to vote down all amendments. When one is offered, of comparative unimportance, the quick-witted lobbyists of the corporations, Jew and Gentile, convey a tip to the leader of the “gang” that the amendment “is all right,” “quite agreeable,” “will be accepted,” etc., whereupon the gang’s leader obligingly informs the chair that it is his profound belief the amendment is a very proper one, and it is graciously accepted. The opposition having some little encouragement, present other amendments, which are, of course, defeated. Sometimes debate is permitted. If the speeches could be reported verbatim and the words spelled out as pronounced, it would make Mr. Dooley reflect on the style of modern oratory, as presented by the “mimber from Archey Road.” The question coming to a vote upon the passage of the ordinance, the roll call begins. From the “Bath House” on the right comes, on the first call, the familiar “Aye.” That response is repeated by every member of the gang without explanation, and in a stolid way, indicating contempt for public opinion. The measure is now out of the way. Preparations are made for the next. Settlements have to be made and everybody satisfied before new matters involving “boodle” can be presented. Occasionally there is a loud “kick” by some slow-witted member who fails to secure his full share of the “swag,” but he is usually placated in some manner best known to the combination, and business goes on in the old way. The division and distribution of the “boodle” are matters of great secrecy and adroit management. It is forced into the pockets of some, or finds its way into them in mysterious ways. It is discovered under a plate at a restaurant, or under a pillow at bedtime; but it seldom passes into the open hand, held rearwards, as the caricaturist pictures the “boodler.”

A newspaper thus spoke of the members of the council belonging to the party it represents. “The average —— representative in the city council is a tramp, if not worse. He represents or claims to represent a political party having respectable principles and leaders of known good character and ability. He comes from twenty-five or thirty different wards, some of them widely separated, and when he reaches the City Hall, whether from the west, the south or the north division, he is nine cases out of ten a bummer and a disreputable who can be bought and sold as hogs are bought and sold at the stockyards. Do these vicious vagabonds stand for the decency and intelligence of the party in Chicago?”

This is a picture drawn a few years ago, but it correctly sketches a number of the hold over members of the present council, and a few of the old timers re-elected.

The new members of the council, one-half in number, are committed, by their ante-election pledges, to the policy of refusing the grant of privileges to individuals or corporations without compensation to the public. Whatever of benefit the public may derive from this policy, it is not quite clear that it will operate as a preventive of “boodling.” The ingenuity of the “boodler” combines the cunning of the sneak thief, with the boldness of the highway robber in devising the ways and means to find and secure his “stuff.” It is a matter of congratulation that the boodling species is dwindling away from the public view. How long it will remain in concealment depends upon how long the independent voter wishes to keep it concealed.

The department of the city government to which is committed the control of its public improvements consists of a number of bureaus. The Commissioner of Public Works controls, as part of his executive department, the City Engineer, Superintendent of Streets, of Street and Alley Cleaning, of Water, of Sewerage, of Special Assessments and of Maps. When it is considered that this means the care and management of 1,111 miles of improved and 1,464 miles of unimproved streets, 112 miles of improved and 1,235 miles of unimproved alleys, making a total of 3,924 miles of streets and alleys, the letting of contracts for their repair, improvement and cleaning, and all the details of engineering, sewerage and water pipe extension bureaus, involving the expenditure of millions of dollars, the vastness of the public interests entrusted to the Commissioner may be realized. Under every administration the department is assailed for frauds, stuffed pay rolls, favoritism and boodling. The administration now in power (and which has been in power for two years) has not escaped criticism. Powerful as that criticism was, and founded in truth as it was, it apparently did not affect the minds of a majority of the voters. Contracts were let by this administration, in direct violation of the law which provides for a letting to the lowest bidder, after advertising for bids, where the amount is in excess of $500. Yet a political favorite, who was himself at one time spoken of as a probable appointee to the office of Commissioner, but who stepped aside, as it is charged, as the result of a deal, obtained thereby a contract for street repairs amounting to $230,000, which was never advertised for, but let to him privately in such a manner so that the vouchers in payment were drawn in sums less than $500 each. So grossly evasive of the law was this transaction, that it involved the stoppage of payment of the warrants by the Comptroller of the city. A re-measurement of the work was ordered by him. This developed the astonishing fact that, even if the contract had been properly let, there was nevertheless an overcharge, swindling in its nature, to the extent of $60,000. The Comptroller was, therefore, compelled to withhold his sanction to the payment of the vouchers. In some manner, however, they were paid after some slight reductions were made. This was a blow at the sterling integrity of the Comptroller, whose public services in thoroughly reorganizing his office, and placing it on a business basis, and whose devotion to public interests cost him his life, are the only conspicuous acts, free from shame, egotism, or corruption, of an administration to which he loaned the strength of his good name, and upon which he shed the splendor of his ability and personal honor. He will be long remembered as the one oasis in a desert of maladministration. Both in private and in public walks Robert A. Waller lived an honorable life. He died mourned by all who knew him.

“His life was gentle, and the elements
So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up
And say to all the world: This was a man!”

The attempt to let the contract for the use of a tug for service to the cribs, or water intakes, in the lake, was another breach of the law so flagrant, as to attract public attention for a time. Its consummation was prevented by the threat of court proceedings, which, at once, led to the insertion of an advertisement for bids. But here again fraud was attempted. The specifications were so drawn as to call for boats of certain dimensions, exact compliance with which was almost impossible, except to one towing company to which originally the contract was about to be let without a bid. This company’s bid was $13,000; the lowest bid was $3,500. Still the city authorities hesitated to award the contract to the lowest bidder, but public opinion, and the known ability of the bidder to fulfill his contract regardless of his boats’ dimensions, compelled the letting to him, thereby saving to the city the sum of $9,000. Vouchers about which there was a doubt as to their legality, have been paid to a contractor, who was appointed a brigadier general of volunteers, but who resigned the appointment immediately, it is said, for business reasons, or because he could not be assigned to a pleasing command. These vouchers amounted to $50,000, and their payment, it is rather uncharitably said, induced the gallant contractor to become an independent voter. There is no difference between the manufacture of an independent voter in this manner, and his manufacture by putting him on the pay-roll without work. This method seems to have been adopted by the public works department of the city government, following, perhaps, an old precedent.

The purchase of water meters, under specifications with which only one company could comply, and the laying of water pipes without letting contracts in a lawful manner, are notorious instances of unblushing frauds committed by this department. It is almost incredible that a dynamo should be bought in parts, so that it could be purchased from a friend, and paid for in sums less than $500; yet this was done. Thus a piece of machinery having a fixed price as a whole, was not only purchased illegally, but paid for in such a manner that its price, as a whole, was doubled when bought in pieces. So it was with other electrical apparatus; so it was with the protection to fire hydrants. Instead of advertising for bids for the work of shielding the fire hydrants from the severity of the winter’s cold, they were divided up into companies like those of a regiment of soldiers, each having its contract commander, who received his pay on vouchers each calling for less than $500. The present commissioner is an old politician, who has held several official positions. It is but just to say of him, that, with the general public, he bears a good reputation. His political enemies are not by any means complimentary in their allusions to him, those particularly in the ranks of his own party. He is energetic, self confident, amiable, and a particularly able bluffer when occasion demands it. Without being profound he is efficient, and without being remarkably efficient, he is not at all valueless.

The Civil Service Commission has reached its present age, nearly five years, after suffering all the diseases incident to poor nursing. It is not by any means a vigorous child as yet, but as it gains in strength it will perhaps grow in wisdom. When it recognizes the fact that the people permitted it to be born, it will also recognize the further fact that its parents require of it obedience to their wishes. They demand the enforcement of the Civil Service Law as it is written, for the public good and not for partisan advantage. They would impress upon the commission the conviction of their belief that without a properly administered civil service law, municipal government is a menace to republican institutions; that without it the experiment of municipal ownership of “public utilities” is hazardous, and that the increasing intelligence of the people and their wider knowledge of the science of government have taught them that the political maxim, “to the victors belong the spoils,” is a relic of the barbaric days of politics, in which wide open primaries, stuffed ballot boxes, captured polling places, and thugs were the governing elements of elections.

The civil service law was placed upon the statute book at the instance of those who had made the study of municipal government a duty, and who from that study realized that the growth of great cities, in population, material wealth and industrial development, demands commensurate changes in the manner of governing such communities. The basic principle of the law is the elimination of the spoils system, and the substitution of the merit system. The banishment of the professional politician, that individual who lives upon the spoils of office, is a result certain of accomplishment under the proper administration of this beneficent statute. Foreseeing this result, the professionals in all parties united against it and have sought, and are still seeking, to undermine its provisions and destroy its utility.