[17] Agum-kakrime's recovery of the images of Marduk and Sarpanitum is an instance in point (see above, [pp. 210], [218]). But perhaps the most striking example is Ashur bani-pal's recovery of Nana's image from Susa, which had been carried off from Erech sixteen hundred and thirty-five years before (see above, p. 113). He probably found her installed in her Susian shrine, perhaps within the temple of Shushinak, the national god.
[18] The Spear-head of Marduk was a fit emblem for the slayer of Tiajmat, the demon of chaos, and the Stilus, or Wedge, of Nabû suits the god of writing and architecture. The emblems of some of the great nature-go,' ds were naturally astrological, such as the Lightning-fork of Adad. and the lunar and solar disks for the Moon-god and Sun-god; but this character was not shared by the majority of the emblems.
[19] The emblem of Ningirsu of Lagash, for example, was a lion-headed eagle grasping lions; cf. "Sinner and Akkad," p. 100.
[20] Some divine emblems were purely animal, such as the Dog of Gula, the Walking Bird of Bau, and the Scorpion of Ishkhara. It may be added that in these cases there is nothing to indicate a totemistic origin, and the analogy of the Goat-fish of Enki or Ea, the god of the Deep, suggests that they are not to be traced beyond the mythological stage.
[21] See [Fig. 70]; and cp. Heuzey, "Musique chaldéenne" in the "Rev. d'Assyr.," IX., No. iii. (1912), pp. 85 ff. M. Heuzey supports his suggestion by quoting a description of a similar instrument of music from a contemporary text: "The 'portico' of the lyre was like a bellowing bull."
[22] See [p. 299], [Fig. 71], and cp. Plate XVI. (No. 89110), opposite p. 192.
[23] Heuzey (loc. cit.) cites the following description of the doors set up by Gudea in the temple of Ningirsu: "The doors of cedar-wood, installed in the gateway, were like the God of Thunder thundering in the heavens; the holt of the temple of E-ninnû was like a savage dog; the pivots were like a lion;
... on the ..., placed above the doors, he (Gudea) caused a young lion
and a young panther to dwell" (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Sum. und Akkad. Königsinschriften," p. 118 f., Col. 20, 11. 20 ff.).
[24] Cf. "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXIV. (1912), pp. 270 ff.
[25] Our knowledge of Babylonian literature has been derived in great measure from Assyrian sources, and, as the civilization of both countries was intimately connected, the two branches of the subject will be treated together at the close of the third volume of this history. It will then also be possible to speak more confidently on the relative part played by Sumerian and Semite in the development of Babylonian law, after the publication of the recently discovered Sumerian code (see above, [p. 153], n. 2). Incidentally the document will throw light on the extent to which primitive Semitic custom, shared possibly by the Hebrews, may have moulded some of the provisions of Hammurabi's Code.
[26] The rude inscriptions from such a mound as Fâra (cf. "Sumer and Akkad," pp. 24 ff.), the site of the city of Shuruppak which is mentioned in the Deluge-story, are not regarded as archaic. The shell seals, copper weapons, and rough stone necklaces from the graves beneath the city are treated with scant attention. All are assigned to a comparatively late stage of development.