[38] "Chronicles," II., pp. 3, 30 f., 90 f.
[40] Though we have no direct evidence in his case, Sharru-Gi may well have been the founder of his dynasty; the absence of his father's name from the genealogy in the Constantinople text and the cruciform monument accords with this suggestion. Shar-Gani-sharri ascribes no title to his father Dâti-Enlil (see further, p. [232]).
[41] Cf. Scheil, "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," I., pp. 16, 26.
[42] Dhorme's suggestion that GI was an ideographic writing for Gani in the early period (cf. "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1909, col. 53 f.) is scarcely probable, though the fact that the commonest ideographic value for GI was kanû or ganû ("a reed") may possibly have contributed in some way to the later confusion. It should also be noted that Clay has recently pointed out the occurrence of the name Sha-ru-ki-in, on a fragment of an early text (see "Amurru," p. 194), as apparently that of a ruler of "the four quarters." Since the final n can hardly be treated as the nunnation (as in the word ir-bi-ti-in in the fifth line of the text), we may probably regard the passage as proving the early existence of the name Sharrukîn, Sargon, which would be the natural rendering of the name Sharru-GI (see above, p. [221]). But the title of the king in the new text, and his description as "the beloved of Ishtar," would suit a king of Akkad rather than a king of Kish, thus affording additional excuse for a confusion by the later scribes.
[43] I is therefore still permissible to employ the name "Sargon" as a synonym of Shar-Gani-sharri, the predecessor of Narâm-Sin upon the throne of Akkad. Similarly the terms "Pre-Sargonic" and "Post-Sargonic" need not be given up. In the text, however, the forms Sharru-Gi and Shar-Gani-sharri have been employed for the sake of clearness.
[45] See the frontispiece; and cf. p. [242] f.
[46] See Heuzey, "Rev. d'Assyr.," Vol. IV., p. 111.