We reached Edinburgh on ye 23rd of July, 1798; lodged at Dumbreck’s Hotel in the square. The singular contrast between the new and old town is very striking; the situation of the Castle upon a high rock, the sea views, etc., make the whole a delightful prospect. Holyrood House is at the bottom of the eminence upon which the habitable residences are now placed; the Royal apartments have been modestly fitted up for the reception of the poor, vagrant Monsieur,[221] who is not only compelled to seek an asylum in Great Britain, but is also necessitated to keep within the precincts of the palace, as his royalty is of no avail against his creditors. Report speaks well of his conduct. He is affable in his manners, and resigned to the rigour of his lot. In the upper apartments we were shown into those occupied by ye unfortunate Mary; two or three moderate rooms were all she had, such as a private gentlewoman in these days would be dissatisfied with.
Ld. Lauderdale joined us a few days after our arrival. From 23rd to 31st of July we remained in Edinburgh. Ld. L. and Mr. Henry Erskine[222] dined almost every day with us. The mornings we devoted to seeing the town, and generally drove upon the Leith sands. Lewis and Ld. Lorne,[223] Beddoes,[224] and some others I saw. Every morning we had a prodigious concourse of visitors, the patriotic Scotchmen thinking it a due homage to Mr. Fox to wait upon his nephew.
VOLNEY’S WORKS
Nov. 5th, 1798.—Bonaparte’s Egyptian campaign has brought every book of travels into those countries into requisition. I have again read with pleasure Volney’s account of Egypt and Syria. His work is the more interesting, as it is imagined that his information has been chiefly relied upon by the French, and that his observations serve as guides to the expedition. He finishes his account of Egypt with a wish that a revolution may take place there under the Govert. of a nation friendly to the fine arts, and expressly implies that such an event may not be so remote as we may possibly imagine. Ye Empress of Russia took the prediction to herself, and upon some slight pretext gave him a pension and an order, which he accepted and enjoyed. In the first years of the democratic fury of the Revolution in France he returned both, accompanied by an insolent letter.
The present speculations whether or not the French can maintain themselves in those countries are curious.[225] The Ministerial people assert the impracticability of their doing so, but their arguments are chiefly founded upon the resistance they will meet with from the Turkish army—a power that has hitherto been found ineffectual against the ill-disciplined squadrons of their own Beys. Sickness and ye want of wine and clothing are the chief obstacles to a permanent establishment, but I hope and almost believe the skill of Bonaparte will baffle even those inconveniences.
I have been shown under the strictest promise of secrecy copies of several of the private letters that were intercepted after ye engagement of the 1st of August.[226] There is only one from Bonaparte. It places that extraordinary man in a far more amiable point of view than I had seen him in before. It is to his brother,[227] to whom he appears to be most tenderly attached; he describes himself as disgusted with life and mankind, that at 29 he has exhausted the attraits of ambition and glory, and that he has been deceived by those he trusted most in. He says, ‘Le voile est levé,’ and that his brother alone is left him to love, though he is unfortunate in being compelled to love a person ‘dans tous les cas.’ He desires him to get a small house in Burgundy, as his means are too slender for a large establishment, and that he hopes to be in Paris in two months, and that his ‘âme a besoin d’isolement.’
INTERCEPTED LETTERS
This letter would be unintelligible without the key of Beauharnais’ letter to his mother. After much affection, he says the General has been triste for many days, but more so since an ‘entretien particulier avec Berthier.’ His melancholy proceeds from ‘chagrins domestiques,’ aggravated by stories told him by Berthier, who informed him that Mde. Bonaparte had brought ‘Charles’ (who is he?) in her carriage from Plombières to within three posts of Paris, and that she had gone ‘au quatrième aux Italiens’ with him, and various other little trifles amounting to ‘confirmation, strong as proofs in Holy Writ,’ to a jealous mind. In short, it appears that Berthier has acted Iago, and that the conqueror of Italy is as jealous as a Turk. The son-in-law [sic] adds that the only difference in B.’s behaviour towards him is a redoublement of kindness if possible. These letters are not to be published; it perhaps would be as handsome if the Ministers sent them to their respective addresses.
6th Nov., 1798.—Ld. H. has been laid up for 5 days by a very severe fit of the gout. It is a hard thing to suffer thus before five and twenty, and it is the more distressing as he lives at all times so reasonably that diet can do little for him in future. Strong exercise and frequent jaunts to a warm climate may mitigate future attacks.
General Fitzpatrick and Mr. Hare are staying with us a few days; we have had the ladies constantly during this last week. In point of society it is impossible to be better than ours—enough, and that of the best sort, and yet not too numerous.