14th March.—Before it is decided whether Ministers are to go out, or accommodate their present differences with the K., I shall try and collect as well as I can, all the important particulars which have led things to the present vexatious state. It was the intention of Ld. Grenville, not only to extend the provisions of the Irish Act of 1793 to the whole British Army, but also to open Staff appointments to the Catholics, but this dispatch to the King was expressed with some degree of ambiguity, so that it might be construed to mean that he intended only to extend the provisions of the Irish Act to this country. It was so understood by the King, Lds. Sidmouth, and Howick; and when transmitted to Ireland and read by Mr. Elliot to the Catholics, it appeared so ambiguous, that when they demanded an explanation of this point, Mr. E. wrote to Ld. Spencer for instructions how to answer them. This letter was sent to Lord Grenville, and answered by him without any consultation with his colleagues. In his answer he expressed surprise that Mr. Elliot should have had any difficulty upon the subject, and authorised him to inform the Catholics that it was the intention of Governt. to remove all disabilities whatever in the army attaching to members of their Church.
When Ld. Sidmouth understood the misconception under which he had laboured with regard to the meaning of the proposed clause, he appeared to be extremely distressed, and expressed himself very doubtful whether he should not enter into an explanation with the King, in order to explain his own conduct in the whole affair. But at length he determined that, if no communication was made on the subject by the Cabinet, he should take no notice whatever of it; as it was uncertain in what light the dispatch might have been viewed by the King, and whether he had understood by it that the new clauses were to be exactly the same as those of the Irish Act in 1793, or to apply also to the Staff appointments. It was judged proper by the Cabinet to say nothing of this difficulty and contrariety of opinions to the King, but to send to him the proposed clauses, which it was found afterwards more convenient to be made into a separate Bill, and to leave him to object to them if they were different from what he was prepared for.
This having been done, and Ld. Howick having waited upon him on Wednesday, 4th March, he remarked that the clauses went further than the Irish Mutiny Bill, and when Ld. Howick explained to him how far they were to be carried, he started, and exclaimed, ‘I’m sorry for it, I can’t approve of it’; and in the course of their conversation on the subject, in which Ld. Howick urged all the arguments for the measure, he appeared not to be more reconciled, but as Ld. Howick understood, he still gave his consent that the Bill in its present form should be brought into Parlt. On coming out of the closet, Lord Howick communicated his conversation to Ld. Grenville and Ld. Sidmouth, the former of whom remarked, that since Lord Howick had had this conversation with the King, he should not speak on the subject to His Majesty, as he knew it to be so disagreeable to him. Ld. Sidmouth, it appears, did hold some conversation on the subject to the King, in which he repeated Ld. Howick’s conversation in a sense which induced the K. to believe that the additional clauses would not be brought into Parliament till some further communications were held with him. Ld. Howick, having a different impression of his conversation, brought the proposed Bill into the House, which was read the first time, and ordered to be printed.
THE CATHOLIC QUESTION
On Monday, the 9th, or Tuesday, the 10th, Ld. Grenville received a mysterious letter from Ld. Sidmouth regretting that he must differ from his colleagues on so important a point as the Catholic Bill, and requesting to have a conversation with him on the subject. From this conversation it appeared that he was determined to oppose the Bill in the House of Lords, and that his friends should take the same line in the H. of Commons. As it appeared from this and other circumstances that the King and his friends were resolved to oppose the Bill, it became a question what course it was proper for Ministers to pursue. It was proposed by some to bring the Bill through the Commons, so as to pledge that House on the subject, and if any placemen voted against it, to turn them out instantly, or propose doing so to the King; and if this measure should not be assented to by him, not to insist upon it immediately, nor yet quite give it up, but bring the Bill into the H. of Lords, and on its rejection in that House, to resign, and commence an active and vigorous Opposition. But to this course of proceeding it was objected by Ld. Grenville that it would lead to a protracted contest between the King and the Ministry, which, in the present state of affairs, could not but be prejudicial to the country; and the question was therefore proposed whether they should resign, or yield the question in dispute.
This was argued at his house on Wednesday, 11th, in the evening, at a meeting consisting of Ld. Grenville, Mr. Grenville, Lds. Howick, Holland, Henry Petty. Both the Grenvilles said they were ready to go out if their colleagues thought they could not retreat with honour, but they showed themselves very unwilling to that measure. Petty said the same, with the same reluctant offer. The great argument for not breaking with the King on this point was that this case would appear a bad one to the public, as it might be plausibly argued that they had deceived the King and committed his Governt. to more than he had authorised them to grant. Lds. Howick and Holland, who were the most averse to concession, were induced at length to give up, seeing that their colleagues, though they offered to resign upon this point, did it reluctantly and with a grudge; and being also satisfied that the whole transaction with the King might be represented in the light that was argued by the others.
THE CATHOLIC QUESTION
On Thursday, the 12th, Ld. Howick had an audience of the King, in which the K. behaved to him in the most civil manner, paid him compliments to himself and family, lamented that Ld. Howick had so far misunderstood him in their last conversation, as to imagine that he had his consent to propose the Bill to Parlt., but declared himself satisfied that this was a mere misapprehension on his own side, in consequence of his understanding the reverse to be Ld. Howick’s idea of the conversation from Ld. Sidmouth soon after he parted from Ld. Howick. He assured Ld. Howick that he had spoken of the affair to no persons out of the Cabinet, except to persons of his own family; that he had taken no measures to form an Administration, and that if he must separate from his present advisers, he trusted that, as he had behaved and should behave honourably to them, they would not retire from his service till he had made arrangements to supply their place. He expressed himself in the most flattering manner to Ld. Howick personally, and remarked that he had not been aware till lately of his sentiments on the Catholic question. It seems, when Ld. Sidmouth told him the week before what were Ld. Howick’s opinions on that subject, he started with evident surprise, from which it was argued some days ago that in the end he would yield. Ld. Howick endeavoured to extract from him what was the most he would concede in the present question to the Catholics, but found him resolved not to go beyond the Irish Act of 1793. When Ld. Howick mentioned the extending the same to the Navy, he started and expressed disapprobation. When Ld. Howick said, if the clauses were extended to the Catholics in England, they must also be extended to the Protestant Dissenters (who were not included in the Irish Act, because the Test Act was abolished in Ireland in 1774 or 1775), he started again, and exclaimed, ‘But this is attacking the Establishment.’ In a word, he consents to the extension of the Act of ’93 to England, but to nothing more.
Rumours are afloat of the resignation of the Doctor, of the whole Ministry going out, of the Catholic Bill being abandoned, etc.; and Canning—the worthless Canning!—who was eight days ago actually in terms with Ld. Grenville, actually treating with Ld. Grenville and holding with him a private correspondence for the purpose of being taken into office, is now thick with Perceval, and ready, they say, to oppose any Bill brought forward to relieve the Catholics. The behaviour of the Doctor is still problematical. Ld. Grenville is greatly exasperated with him, but Ld. Holland, with more indulgence than justice, is disposed to view his conduct more favourably, and to believe that his misconception of the measure was real, and his sorrow unfeigned when he discovered what was intended to be done. But Ld. Sidmouth certainly misrepresented Ld. Howick’s conversation with him to the King, and it is now said that he has been intriguing for the last ten days with Perceval. The D. of Cumberland was very busy in the H. of Lords communicating to his friends the joyful news of a change of Ministry.
The clauses were sent to Windsor on Tuesday, March 3rd, and returned by the King the same evening, without any animadversion or objection; on which they were instantly despatched by a messenger to Ireland. Very suspicious against the veracity of H.M.