Speech at Buffalo.]
On the 27th of May thirty thousand persons assembled in the Park at
Buffalo, where Kossuth had a magnificently enthusiastic reception. In
the evening he was escorted to American Hall by the mayor and others.
For a portion only of his Speech, in reply to the address of the Hon.
Thomas Love, can we here find room.
The Austrian minister (said he) has left the United States. Proud Austria has no longer a representative here, but down-trodden Hungary has. The Chevalier Hulsemann has at last taken his departure, without even a chivalrous farewell; the Secretary of State let him depart, without either alarm or regret.
"All right!" gentlemen. Two years ago there was much alarm in certain quarters, when the idea of such a rupture was first suggested. Five months ago, when in one of my public addresses I wished a good journey to Mr. Hulsemann, some thought it rather presumptuous. But now that he has left, no man cares about it, scarcely any man takes notice of it. The time may yet come, when Mr. Hulsemann's masters will be fully aware, that what he is pleased to call the Kossuth episode is a serious drama—a drama in which, I trust, America will so act its part, that in the catastrophe justice and freedom shall triumph, violence and oppression shall fall.
In my many speeches I have dwelt largely on the necessity that there is for America to act this part. I have not concealed that I am informed that many gentlemen of commerce are timid concerning it, and I have ventured to warn this young but great republic against materialism. But commerce involves this danger only when it is bent on instant profit at any price, and cares nothing for the future, nothing about that solidity of commercial relations on which permanent prosperity depends. Adventurous money-hunting is not commerce. Commerce, republican commerce, raised single cities to the position of mighty powers on earth, and maintained them there for centuries. It is merchants whose names shine with immortal lustre from the glorious book of Venice and Genoa. Commerce, as I understand it, does indeed apply its finger to the pulsations of present conjunctures, but not the less fixes its eye steadily on the future. Its heart warms with noble patriotism and philanthropy, connecting individual profit with the development of natural resources and of national welfare; so that it spreads over the multitudes like a dew of Heaven upon the earth, which blossoms through it with the flower of prosperity. Such a commercial spirit is a rich source of national happiness;—a guarantee of a country's future, a pillar of its power, a vehicle of civilization and convoyer of its principles.
Let me exemplify the difference between that noble beneficent spirit of commerce and the merely material money hunting, which falsely usurps the name of commerce.
Since the fatal arithmetical skill of Rothschilds has found out how to gain millions by negotiating, out of the pockets of the public, loan after loan for the despots, to oppress the blind-folded nations, a sort of speculation has gained ground in the Old World, worthy of the execration of humanity—I mean the speculation in loan shares;—the paper commerce called stock-jobbing. It is the shame-brand upon our century's brow, that such a commerce is become a political power on earth; and unscrupulous gamesters, speculating upon the ruin of their neighbours, hold the political thermometer of peace and war in their criminal hands. But it is not commerce—it deserves not the name of commerce—it does not contribute to public welfare—it does not augment the elements of public prosperity—it is but immoral GAMBLING, which transfers an unproductive imaginary wealth from one hand into another, without augmenting the stock of national property:—that is not commerce: and it is a degradation of the character of a nation, when the interests of that speculation have the slightest influence, or are made of the slightest consideration in the regulation of a country's policy. Such an example has its full weight with every other kind of mere money-hunting. It would be the greatest fault to regulate a country's policy according to the momentary interests of worshippers of the almighty dollar, who look but for a momentary profit, not caring for their fatherland and humanity—nothing for the principles—nothing about the tears and execration of millions, if only that condition remains intact which gives them individual profit—though that condition be the misfortune of a world. Wherever that class of money-hunters is influential, there is a disease in the constitution of the community. It is vain to complain against the dangerous doctrines of socialism, so long as such money-hunters have any influence upon politics. The genus of Rothschilds has done more for the spread of socialism than its most passionate sectarians.
Take on the other side the contrasting fact of the Erie Canal. I remember well that some were terrified, when in the councils of the Empire State first was started the idea of that gigantic enterprise. And now when we hear that its nett proceeds amount to about three millions of dollars a year—when we see the almost unbroken line of boats on it—when we see Buffalo becoming the heart of the West, the pulsation of which conveys the warm tide of life to the East; and by the communication of that artery, bringing the wonderful combination of the great western lakes into immediate connection with the Atlantic, and through the Atlantic with the Old World—when we see Buffalo, though at four hundred miles distance from the ocean, without a navigable river, living, acting, and operating like a seaport; and New York, situated on the shores of the Atlantic, acting as if it were the metropolis of the West—when we consider how commerce becomes a magic wand, and transforms a world of wilderness into a garden of prosperity, and spreads the blessing of civilization where some years ago only the wild beasts and the Indian roamed—then indeed we bow with reverential awe before the creating power of that commerce. We feel that the spirit of it is not a mere money-hunting, but a mighty instrumentality of Providence for the moral and social benefit of the world; and we at once feel that the interests of such a commerce underlie so much the foundation of your country's future, that not only are they entitled to enter into the regulating considerations of your country's policy, but they must enter—they must have a decisive weight—and they will have it, whatever be the declamations of learned politicians who have so much looked to the authority of past times that they have found no time to see the imperious necessity of present exigencies.
There are still some who advise you to follow the policy of separation from Europe, which Washington wisely advised in his days—wisely, because it was a necessity of those times. I have on many occasions adduced arguments against this, which to me are quite convincing. Yet to some minds custom is of so much more power than argument, that I could not forbear to feel some uneasiness. But to-day, gentlemen, I no longer feel such uneasiness. I am entirely tranquillized. I want no more arguments, because I have the knowledge of facts, and to those who still advocate the policy of separatism I will say, "Have you seen the city of Buffalo? Go! and look at it; when you have seen what Buffalo is, consider what are the interests which created that city, and are personified by that city; then trace those interests back to New York, and from New York across the Atlantic to the Old World; and again, the returning interests of intercourse from the Old World to New York and hence to Buffalo, and from Buffalo to the West, and then speak of the wisdom of separatism!"—What exists, exists. The facts will laugh at your reflections; they will tell you that, they cannot be undone. They will tell you that you are like Endymion, whom Diana made sleep until the twig on which he leaned his head had become a tree. They, will tell you that you could as well reduce Buffalo to the log-house of MIDDEAU and LANE; the mighty democrat the steam-engine to the horse on the back of which EZRA METCALF brought the first public mail to the sixteen dwelling-houses, which some forty years ago composed all Buffalo; you could as well reduce the Erie Canal to where it was when GOVERNOR MORRIS first mentioned the idea of tapping Lake Erie, or reduce the West to a desert, and western New York to the condition in which Washington saw it when journeying towards the Far West.
All this you could as easily do as adhere any longer to the policy of separatism, or persuade the people of the United States not to take any part in the great political transactions of the Old World.