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XIX.—MEANING OF RECOGNIZING.
[Last Speech at Washington.]
In returning thanks to all the citizens here assembled, and to yourself, sir, in particular,[*] I beg to add some remarks. That I have not here been honoured with the same demonstrations of local cordiality as in other places, I do not, with you, attribute to diplomatic influences. I know well the skill of Russian diplomacy, which indeed at Moldovarica instructs all its representatives to marry Moldovarican ladies. But I also know that the framers of your Constitution wisely discouraged the development of municipal life in the district of Columbia, lest local influences and pressure from without on the seat of the central legislature might unduly sway the national councils. Just so, we have often known a single street in Paris coerce the deliberations of the nation. Columbia having, as I understand, by an exceptional arrangement, no true local self-government, is deficient in local movement. Nevertheless, I have received private expression of sentiment and of generous kind sympathy from various parts of this district, and chiefly from the city of Washington.
[Footnote *: Chancellor Walworth of New York.]
In respect to the declaration which you make as to nonintervention, I have only to thank you, and to express my earnest hope that all those in whose name you speak, will proceed to give effect to their principle in public life.
The second right of nations,—that of mutual commerce—still more closely touches your domestic interests, regard it as a clear national right of your citizens to hold commerce with the thirty-five millions of men oppressed by Austria, if those thirty-five millions desire it, though to Emperor of Austria, having occupied an immoral position refuse it to you: and if the people of Hungary, Bohemia, and Italy take arms to punish his atrocities, that is no good reason why your citizens should submit to abstain from commerce with these injured nations.
In regard to my third desire, to see the legitimacy of our declaration of Independence acknowledged by Congress that did not mean that I (a poor exile!) am de facto Governor of Hungary! You little conceive how valuable to us it would have been, if your Envoy, who came to inquire and report, during our struggle, had been authorized to recognize the legitimacy of our cause and of our proceeding. And even now, the moral effect would be great; for such an act cannot stand alone, it points to your future policy towards every other nation. Moreover, it would enlarge the lawful field of action for private sympathy, and would enable me to accept many things which I cannot now; I do not mean titles,—which I value not. I care only for my country's dignity; but it appertains to its dignity that its solemnly expressed Will be recognized by your government.
Legislatures of your States (with warm gratitude I acknowledge) have declared these principles: cities and associations have received them; so have many eminent persons. But if you wish foreign powers to know that it is not Mr. A. or Mr. B. but the nation itself which pronounces them, I venture to suggest that it may be convenient in your various associations of every kind to make separate declarations to this effect, as by contributions of money ever so small; and this will really be national aid. If the United States carry out this determination with their characteristic energy it will be effectual.
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