Kossuth replied:—
Sir, if I am not mistaken it is now the 156th time [since I entered America], I am sure that it is the 34th time since I left Washington on the 12th of January,—that I have had the honour to address an American audience in that tongue which I learned from Shakespeare, while confined in an Austrian prison for having dared to claim the right of a free press, which now, like the hundred-handed Briareus of old, pours my words by thousands of channels into the hearts of millions of freemen, who comprize in their national capacity a mighty Republic, destined to enforce the Law of Nations, upon which rests the deliverance of the world from an overwhelming despotism.
The press is nobly recompensing me. The ways of Providence are wonderful!
May the free press never forget its living principle, "Justice and Truth." May it always be watchful with its thousand eyes, that the secret craft of diplomacy may never succeed to degrade one organ of the American press into an unconscious Russian tool, acted on by blind animosity or by exclusive predilections.
Sir—after having spoken so often, and so much; and the free press having conveyed my principles, my arguments, and my prayers, in almost every homestead of this great Republic; I may be well permitted to believe, that the stage of speaking is passed, and the stage of practical action has come.
Almost every packet brings such news of absolutist reaction in Europe, and almost every new step of the despotic powers is accompanied by such incidents, that it were indeed unpardonable neglect, if, when Providence has placed so much influence in my hands by the confidence of nations bestowed upon me, I should not use all possible energy to circumvent the influence of evil, to combine the efforts of the good, to check the plots of vile, and the waywardness of erring or weak characters—often the unconscious tools of the vile, to direct the action of inconsiderate friends, and above all, to accomplish those preparations which are indispensable to meet the exigencies of the future—in short, to attain that crisis, at which I humbly claim protection for principles from the people of the United States, in their public capacity, and substantial aid from their private generosity.
You of course are aware that all these things together present a vast field, for which every moment of my time would scarcely suffice.
Often am I asked, what are the instrumentalities for this my activity? But this question cannot be answered publicly, as I am quite unwilling to let the enemy learn my secrets.
However, so much I may state, that it is not without a definite aim and clear hope that I devote all that yet remains in me of energy and strength. If I did not hope,—if under certain conditions I had not an assurance of success,—I would prefer tranquillity to action, though it were the tranquillity of the grave.
There are two modes in which free nations may aid the cause of
European Independence,—namely, politically and privately.
As to the first, I avow with intense gratitude that the great National
Jury, the PEOPLE, gave and gives incessantly its favourable verdict.
Your State Legislature is pronouncing its vote, and the cause is moved
before the High Court of your national Congress.