It is to be observed once more that none of these bears an Anglo-Saxon name: Sigfrid and Grimkell were doubtless natives of the Danelaw, of Norse blood, but English in culture and faith; Bernhard may have been a German from the country of the lower Rhine; Rudolf is said to have been a kinsman of Edward the Confessor; as his name is Norman, we shall have to conclude that he was a relative of Queen Emma, Edward's mother. Late in life he received from the Confessor an important appointment as abbot of Abingdon (1050).[281] So long as King Olaf lived Grimkell seems to have held the office of chief bishop.
These were the men who laid the foundation of the Norwegian Church; later missionaries from Britain continued the work along the earlier lines. The result was that the new Church came largely to be organised according to English models. Its ceremonial came to reflect Old English practices. Its terminology was formed according to Anglo-Saxon analogies.[282] Characteristic of both the English and the Norse Church was an extensive use of the vernacular. And many remarkable parallels have been found in the church legislation of King Ethelred and the ecclesiastical laws attributed to Saint Olaf.[283]
It would seem most fitting that a church so intimately connected with English Christianity should pass under the metropolitan jurisdiction of the see at Canterbury, and such may have been Saint Olaf's original intention. But the establishment of Danish power at Winchester, the appointment of Canute's friend Ethelnoth to the primacy, and Canute's designs on the Norwegian throne made such an arrangement impractical. There was consequently nothing to do but to enter into relations with the see of Bremen. Adam tells us that Olaf sent an embassy[284] headed by Bishop Grimkell
with gifts to our archbishop and bearing the request that he receive these [English] bishops favourably and send others of his own consecration that the rude Norwegian people might be strengthened in the Christian faith.
It is difficult to appreciate the tremendous social changes that the introduction of Christianity worked among the Northmen of the eleventh century. There was so much that was new in Christian practice that the adjustment was a difficult matter. The rigid observance of the seventh day; the numerous holidays; the frequent fasts and the long abstentions of Lent; the duties of confession and penance; the support of a new social class, the priests; all these things the unwilling convert found exceedingly irksome. In addition to this, there were certain prohibitions that also worked hardships: marriage within certain degrees of kinship; the exposure of children (except such as were born with deformities, who might be exposed after baptism); the eating of horseflesh, and other honoured Northern customs. Much that was heathen could not be rooted out. The churches were frequently built near the old sanctuaries and the new worship unavoidably came to be associated in many minds with much that was heathen.[285]
While Canute was organising the Church in Denmark, Olaf was striving to reshape Norwegian society and uproot the old faith. With force and fair words he won many for the new order, but many more refused to receive baptism. Ten years passed with growing discontent; so long as the nation was still heathen in morals and view of life, resistance was inevitable. Finally the partisans of the old rites and practices turned to Canute, the great Christian King. And he who should have been a defender of the faith heard their complaints with unfeigned joy.
FOOTNOTES:
[259] Snorre, Saga of Harold Fairhair, c. 41. Hakon's dates according to saga are 935-961. The earlier date should probably be corrected to 945 or a later year, perhaps 947. See Norges Historie, I., ii., 139.