In fact, the weak and disordered condition of the republic exposed its own people—many of whom were British subjects—to immediate and frightful danger. Moreover, it constituted a danger to all the European communities in South Africa. In the event of two such chiefs as Sikukuni and Cetawayo joining forces against the [[161]]whites and prevailing, as they seemed able and likely to do, over the frontier civilization in the Transvaal Republic, nothing could prevent them from moving in strength against the Free State on the south, and Natal on the southeast, and later, against Cape Colony itself.
It was not without cause, therefore, that the British government resolved to avert the threatened conflict. There were two possible ways of doing this. Britain might have taken the field as a friendly ally, making common cause with the Transvaal Republic against a common danger, and leaving its independence intact. The other way was to annex the Transvaal territory, subvert its republican government, and give it the status and administration of a British colony. There is no record to show that the British government ever entertained the thought of acting as the ally of the republic. On the contrary, Sir Theophilus Shepstone was appointed as imperial commissioner to visit the scene of danger and examine into the state of the country. He was secretly instructed and authorized to proclaim the immediate annexation of the Transvaal territory to the British dominions in South Africa in case he deemed it necessary for the general safety [[162]]to do so, and if, in his judgment, a majority of the people would favor the step.
After three months spent in observing and studying the situation Sir Theophilus Shepstone, acting under the secret instructions given him, on the 12th of April, 1877, declared The Transvaal Republic annexed, for protection, to British dominions in South Africa. His act was indorsed officially by the resident British High Commissioner at the Cape, and by the Secretary of the Colonial Office in England. In 1879 the Territory was declared a crown colony of Great Britain. Thus, in the third contact of Boer and Briton, an independent republic was deprived of its independence by the self-same power that had guaranteed it in 1852, and was reduced to the status of a crown colony without the formal consent of its people and against the protests of many of them.
Before closing this chapter of events connected with this arbitrary and startling measure, it will be well to consider some further facts which belong to the setting in which the act should be viewed. Mr. Burgers, the president, had repeatedly warned the people that unless certain reforms could be effected they must lose their independence. They agreed with him, but did nothing [[163]]to carry out the necessary reforms, nor would they pay taxes. Mr. Burgers was not strong with any party in the country. One section of the people were for Paul Kruger, his rival candidate for the approaching presidential election. Another party—principally English settlers—favored annexation. Besides, he had estranged the great body of the people by his heterodox opinions in theology. Being helpless, Mr. Burgers recorded his personal protest against annexation and returned to the Cape, where he lived on a pension granted him in consideration of his having spent all his private fortune in the service of his country.
Mr. Kruger—then the vice-president, the entire executive council, and the volksraad, all protested against the annexation; and delegates were sent to London to carry the protest to the foot of the British throne. The mass of the people made no resistance at the time, nor did they express much displeasure; but, a little later, a large majority of them signed a petition praying for a reversal of the act of annexation. Their temporary acquiescence in the loss of independence was due, no doubt, to the depressing fears that had so lately burdened them, and a sense of [[164]]relief in knowing that now the Kaffir invasion that had threatened their very existence would be repelled by the military power of Great Britain. [[165]]
CHAPTER XI.
THE AFRICANDERS’ FIRST WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.
Notwithstanding their native love of independence, and their protest to the British throne against the act of annexation, the Africanders of the Transvaal might have acquiesced in the British rule had they been fairly treated. There was a good promise of peace at first. The finances of the country were at once relieved by the expenditure of English money in liberal amounts. Numbers of the leading Africanders retained their official positions at the request of the British commissioner, Sir Theophilus Shepstone. It is only reasonable to suppose that the people at large would have settled down to permanent content as British subjects had the affairs of the newly constituted colony been administered to the satisfaction of the leaders.
But, instead of following a policy dictated alike by wisdom and righteousness, the very opposite seems to have been the rule observed in [[166]]the attempt to govern these new and most difficult subjects of the British crown. A number of mistakes—so called—were made which, as even Canon Knox Little admits, were a sufficient justification of the Africander leaders in plotting and agitating against the British connection.