The question of the capacity of the negroes with respect to their taking an equal share with the white citizens in the management of the government policy occupied the attention of politicians. It was thought impossible to foresee what would be the effect of the emancipation of over three millions of slaves. It seemed certain that the Americans would have eventually a complicated problem to deal with, presenting grave difficulties.
From Washington I went into the Southern States. In the districts where large numbers of slaves had been employed, the subject of their education was being seriously considered, and schools were established for the purpose of advancing the intelligence of the black children. The ignorant and hopeful parents were speculating upon the brilliant future that seemed to be opening before them. They had vague dreams that some new and prosperous destiny was going to be granted to their race. They thought that, as a result of freedom and education, their children would become active and useful citizens, equal, if they had fair opportunities, to those who had been their masters.
Such was the universal belief amongst the elders, and great will be the disappointment amongst the children upon growing up into manhood to discover, that, in obedience to an unexplained law, there seems to be a limit to their power of reaching the standard of proficiency to which they aspired.
I had seen the emancipated negroes in the islands of the West Indies, and the extraordinary condition of Hayti when under the rule of the black emperor Soulouque. It was therefore not possible to think that there was any probability of these school children rising to an equality with the white races around them. There was something almost painful in listening to the faith of the fathers in the prospects of their sons, and the earnest manner in which they spoke of their future career, if they worked hard and did their best to deserve success.
After passing through the low-lying lands near the coast, which had in previous years been cultivated by this race, I proceeded up the Chesapeake Bay, and stopped at Annapolis for the purpose of looking at the Naval Academy. The system of training officers for sea service is, in many respects, radically different from that which is followed in England. With regard to the comparative results it is difficult to form an opinion. It is presumable that the English system is the best for developing the naval capacity of English lads, and the regulations carried out at Annapolis may be more suitable for the Americans. Both schools succeed in producing efficient young officers.
The principle underlying the policy of the training system in England is youth. It is thought that in order to make a good sailor, officer or man, the future seaman must be entered when young, and thus begin his sea life while he is still capable of being naturally accustomed to the performance of his duties. In America and also with the maritime powers on the European continent different conclusions are held. At Annapolis the age for entry is between fourteen and sixteen, and as the entries usually take place at the latest period, the age upon passing out into sea service is about twenty. The preliminary training is thoroughly carried out, and the Academy is exceptionally fortunate in being situated on the shores of a large and well-sheltered bay where there is room for practising the necessary gunnery exercises.
The Military Academy at West Point is placed in a very beautiful situation. Nothing can be finer than the scenery at that part of the Hudson river. The site has been well selected with regard to the various requirements for training officers for general service, with reference to drills, cavalry exercises, and topographical and engineering studies. Professor Bartlett, to whom I had a letter of introduction from Professor Henry, of the Smithsonian Institute, did everything that was in his power to make my stay agreeable. I was also much indebted to General Pitcher, the officer in command, who made me acquainted with all the details of the system in operation.
The Cadets are chosen in the same manner as at Annapolis. Ten are appointed annually by the President, and the remainder are usually nominated by members of Congress from their respective states. Private allowances are discouraged, and the Government make a grant of 500 dollars a year for each pupil, or the same allowance that is given to the midshipmen at Annapolis. General Pitcher told me that about one half of the candidates usually failed at the preliminary examination, and that, upon the average, one-third of the remainder were rejected at the succeeding examinations, a proportion of failures which corresponds with that at the Naval Academy. They rise at five, clean their rooms, place everything in order, attend early drills, and are constantly at work throughout the day. The series of drills and studies is very continuous, and there is only just sufficient time allowed for meals, and very little time for recreation. The average age of the lads is over twenty-one; the term is for four years. Many distinguished officers have graduated here and habits of self-reliance are strictly enforced. The principle which governs the system which is maintained during the earlier part of the training is that of accustoming each cadet to be independent of help.
In proceeding from West Point, I visited the Shakers at their settlements, near the village of Lebanon. I was received by their chief Elder, a man named Evans, who, by his energy and firmness of will, had obtained much personal influence over the community. The Shakers had been successful in securing for themselves a considerable degree of financial prosperity which was the result of their economy and industry.
Evans was acquainted with the scheme of life contemplated by Mr. Harris, near Brocton. The community established there had been joined by Mr. Laurence Oliphant,[2] and I was interested in hearing the opinions of the Shakers about them. Evans thought that they could not long keep together, because marriage was permitted amongst its members. Marriage, he said, meant personal property and where that existed a communistic society could not succeed.