It was when Awtum had fild full the barnes with corne, And he that eats and emtyes all away had Awtum worne, And wynter windes approcht that doth ibayre the trene, And Saturne's frosts, that steanes the earth had perst the tender grene, And dampishe mystes discendes when tempests work much harme, And force of stormes do make all cold that somer had made warme, whose lustie hewe dispoiled cold not possess the place, ne yet abide Boreas' blasts that althings dothe deface.
After this digression Reason's advice is taken into consideration. Recognizing its wisdom, the poet at first "seeks by solitarye meanes to recreate his minde". The attempt is not, however, crowned with success. He experiences that, "as the sowthfast sayen", "solytarynes" is but "hewe of dispaire, ffoo to his weale, and frendlie to ech payne", and that slender indeed "are the greves that silence do unlade". In his solitude the evils of his own position crowd up before him, he "beats his branes with bitter bale and woos of worldlie force", he recalls the "painful years" which he has "lingered forth" in Scotland, with the sole reward of seeing "his credyt crak the string with those with whome in faythfull league he long before had bene", and himself "rolled out of Fortune's lappe". By a natural transition he passes from his own grievances to a consideration of the political events which have produced them; his "bewsye heade" calls up the "sowre change", the "sodaine fall" of the realme "from weale to woo, from welthe to wast, and worce if ought might be".
The cue for it being thus given, there follows a recapitulation of the "proceedings" which are the real subject of the Fantasie. "I saw", the poet says:
I saw the Quene whose will occurant with her yeres was wone[139] to worke oft that she wold by counsaile of her peres. It was the winged boy had perst[140] her tender thought, and Venus' joyes so tickled her that force avaled nought; on Darlie did she dote who equall in this mase[141] sought to assalt the forte of fame defenst with yeas and nayes, which for a while repulst and had no passage in: but still porsewt did rase the seige[142] that might the fortresse wyne, who, stronglie thus beseiged with battry rounde aboute, at last was forst to yeld the keis, she cold not holde hym owte, but rendered sacke and spoile unto the victor's grace, so ritch a pray did not the Greks by Helen's meanes possesse. To regall charge of rule she did advaunce his state, and gave the sworde into his hand that bred civill debate. This was affection force that blewe this gale of winde; this regestreth the found pretence[143] within a woman's mynde this calls us to reporte[144] and proves the proverbe trewe, that wemens wills are sonest wone in that they after rewe. This brede a brutyshe broile and causéd cankred spight to move the myndes of such as did envy a stranger's might; vnder wch shade was shrowde an other fyrme intente, and so, by color of that change to doe what he was bente, wch made much myserye and wrought this realme to wracke, and sturde[145] a stiveling sture[146] amongst the muffled contre-packe[147] that mustréd eche where[148] in forme and force of warre, and clapt on armor for the feld as the comannded warre.
Here the poet, who seems anxious to lose no opportunity of pointing a moral, interrupts for a while his sombre description of the state of Scotland under this "reckles rule", to introduce his own reflections upon "the slipper state of worldlie wealth that heare on earth we finde". Resuming his lamentation, he records the undeserved disgrace of "those whose grave advice in judgement semed vpright", and the unwise promotion to offices of trust of those "which grated[149] but for gayne and gropt for private pray", who presumptuously attempted to "gwide a shipe against the storme", though they "had not the skill in calm to stire a barge".
Lest the application of the general statement should remain doubtful, it is illustrated by reference to the leading men of the Queen's party. To each of them a couplet is dedicated, the symmetry being broken in favour of Maxwell alone, who is thought worthy of a double share of satire. Unfortunately, however, the allusions are so vague and the language in many cases so obscure, that it is difficult to catch more than the drift of what is intended to characterize the conduct and unveil the motives of each individual:—
I sawe Adthole abridge with craft to conquere cost, and forge that fact by forraigne foos that his discent might bost; I sawe what Merton ment by shufflinge for his share, imbrasinge those that shrowdes the shame of his possessed care; I sawe howe Cassells crowcht affirmynge yea and na, as redyest when chaunce brings chang to drive and drawe that way; I sawe Crawforde encroche on slipperie renowne, that curre favell[150] in the court might retche to higher rowme;[151] I sawe howe Lyddington did powder it[152] with pen, and fyled so his sewgred speche as wone the wills of men; I sawe howe Lyndsey lurkt vnconstant of his trade[153] alludinge[154] by his duble meanes that might his lust unlade;[155] I sawe howe Hume in hope did hoist the sale aloft, and howe he anker weighed with those that most for credyt sought; I sawe howe Ruthven reigned as one of Gnator's kinde, and howe he first preffer'd his ple respondent to his mynde. I sawe what Maxwell mente in kindlinge the flame, and after howe he sought new meanes to choke the smoke agayne; whose dowble dealinge did argewe vnconstant fayth, and shamefull wayes blowes forthe the brute[156] that may record his death; with feble force I sawe howe Leonox did entende, as thriftie of a princelie rewle to regestre his ende; I sawe the weake advise that Darlie did aforde, as yonge in wytt as fewe of yeres to weld the regall sworde; and sodainelie I saw howe Bulforde credyt sought, and howe from nought he start aloft to bear the freey in court.[157]
The political correspondence and historical records of the period allow us to remove, in some slight degree, the obscurity which veils this passage, and supply concerning the conduct of some of the characters alluded to in it such particulars as may help us to understand, if not the special point of the poet's satire, at least the general reasons which aroused his indignation and drew forth his censure.
It would have been difficult for the most bitter opponent of the royal cause to find in Athole's conduct during the period here referred to anything to justify an attack on his personal character. There is consequently no matter for astonishment in the fact that the satirist—if our interpretation of the couplet be the correct one—has no more heinous offence to reproach him with than fidelity to his trust and loyalty to his Queen. These, it is true, he manifested on more than one critical occasion. It was to Athole's house in Dunkeld that Mary, knowing herself to be surrounded with spies in Perth, determined to retire after the memorable convention at which the intended marriage with Darnley was made known. When, a few days later, intelligence was brought by Lindsay of Dowhill of a plot formed by the confederate Lords to seize the Queen's person at Parenwell, to tear her intended husband and his father from her side, and to slay all who offered resistance to the deed of violence, it was with Athole that Mary concerted measures to frustrate the lawless attempt, and it was by his exertions that a body of two hundred gentlemen was raised to serve as an escort for her. At the public solemnization of the Queen's marriage it was Athole who, in recognition of his faithful service, led both bride and bridegroom to the altar, and who, at the banquet which followed, acted as her carver. That these marks of favour were not the only rewards bestowed upon his loyal attachment is shown by Randolph in a letter which he wrote to Cecil a few months later,[158] and in which he states the Earl of Athole's influence to be paramount, greater even than Bothwell's. If we be right in interpreting the charge of "abridging with craft to conquer cost" to mean that Athole endeavoured to husband the resources of the kingdom, it was a course which the state of the Queen's finances more than justified. The pecuniary difficulties in which she was involved are repeatedly alluded to in Randolph's despatches. On the 4th of July we find him informing Cecil of the arrival of a chest supposed to contain supplies of money, and significantly adding that "if that way the Queen and Darnley have either means or credit, it is so much the worse".[159] A fortnight later[160] he refers more plainly still to the desperate condition of the royal exchequer, and states that Mary "is so poor at present that ready money she hath very little and credit none at all". In August[161] he announces that "she hath borrowed money of divers, and yet hath not wherewith to pay so many soldiers as are levied for two months". If, under these circumstances, Athole set himself the arduous and thankless task of narrowly watching over the expenditure of funds which it was so difficult to raise, and even if the allusion contained in the enigmatical accusation of "forging that fact by forrayne foos" should point to any part taken by him in obtaining "about fifteen hundred francs which had been sent out of France", no impartial judge can behold in this a proof of anything but loyalty to his kinswoman and Queen.
The charge of "shufflinge for his share", the only intelligible count in the indictment contained in the couplet devoted to Morton, is fully justified by the able but unscrupulous statesman's conduct during the period of civil strife to which the Fantasie refers. On the formation of the league for which Mary's intentions towards her cousin had afforded a pretence, Morton had joined the ranks of the confederate Lords. Before long, however, his opposition to the marriage was overcome and his services secured for the royal cause by the sacrifice on the part of Lennox and Darnley of their claims to the honours and estates of Angus. Though his motives were very far from being disinterested, his conduct was for a while in strict conformity with the pledge which had been bought from him, and he successfully exerted his influence to conciliate some of the bitterest opponents to the royal marriage. Such as it was, however, his loyalty was but shortlived. He took umbrage at the part assigned to Lennox in the command of the army which marched out to encounter the confederates. In the month of October his treasonable designs were so far from being a secret that Randolph described him as "only making fair weather with the Queen till he could espy his time".[162] But by her prompt and energetic action in compelling him to surrender the Castle of Tantallon to the Earl of Athole,[163] the Queen obliged him to declare himself sooner than he had intended, and before his treachery could do any material injury to her cause.