In this stage of delay and uncertainty we will take the liberty to leave the proceedings for the present, in order to bring on the scene another character, afterwards a somewhat intimate acquaintance of Panizzi’s—it would be scarcely warrantable to call him a friend—in notoriety, more than equal to Poerio or Settembrini, but not as they were, of honourable and untarnished celebrity. Few are living but have heard or read of Felice Orsini; equally few are they who do not hold both the man and his criminal intentions in deep execration. He was born at Meldole, in the States of the Church, in 1819. From his youth upwards, his fixed idea, his sole purpose of life was Revolution; conspiracy was to him as the breath of his nostrils. It cannot in strict truth be alleged that he absolutely and deliberately set his mind on murder, as the surest or most desirable means to accomplish his object, but neither can it be denied that if murder became a most necessary ingredient in his plans, if it showed him the easiest way, he was ready, without scruple even, to adopt such fell measures. Orsini’s first imprisonment for political crime was in 1844. In February, 1845, he was again convicted before the Supreme Tribunal of Rome, and condemned to the galleys for life, for a plot against the Government. Fortunately for himself, he was comprised in the general amnesty of the 16th of July, 1846, published by Pius IX. on his accession to the Papal chair, and released, or perhaps it ought to be said let loose, in the same year. In May, 1847, he was expelled from Tuscany for his political intrigues. Two years afterwards he was elected a Deputy in the Roman Constituent Assembly; but, in 1853, was forced to quit Roman territory. He first sought refuge in London, which, however, in a short time, he left, and for a period was busied in roaming through Piedmont, Switzerland, and Lombardy, continually, wherever he went, plotting and scheming under the assumed name of Tito Celci. He was next heard of under the name of Hernof, at Vienna, in 1855, when he was arrested and sent to the fortress of Mantua. Thence, by energy and skill, no less by good fortune, he made his escape in the night of 28th-29th March, of the same year. He next visited Marseilles and Genoa, whence he returned to London. At this period he was on most intimate terms with Mazzini. Their friendship, however, was not of lifelong duration: it ended in a quarrel.
By Mazzini, it appears, Orsini was first introduced to Panizzi; but the introduction must have been merely formal, as there is no record of any intercourse between the two arising therefrom, and Panizzi seems to have lost sight of him very soon afterwards. However on the 14th of August, 1856, he was recommended by Mr. John Craufurd as a proper person to become a reader in the Library of the British Museum. The letter of introduction was delivered by Orsini himself, on the 18th of the same month, when he met with Panizzi, and a strong mutual liking for one another sprang up. In fact, as we know from the best of sources, this sympathetic feeling very nearly assumed the proportions of friendship; for Panizzi expressed himself as never having been so much captivated by any one as by Orsini. The familiarity thus quickly established, showed early signs of endurance; and the following letter, which throws a good deal of light as well on the character as on the history of the writer, may be read with interest:—
“14, Cambridge Terrace, Hyde Park,
27th August, 1856.
“My dear Sir,
I have examined the Catalogue of the Library respecting the Art and Science of Warfare. It is but poorly furnished with the most instructive works published during and after the wars of Napoleon. It is the same with the United Service Institution, where I was admitted for the purpose of consulting the books which I required for the composition of the military work that I have in hand, and I have in consequence had to order various books from France at my own expense; but, however, I shall soon have to study the work of which I send you the title: “La grande Tactique du Marquis de Ternay,” Colonel of the Staff. These works, especially that of Martray, I could not procure on account of the expense, but should you think it desirable for the Library to acquire them, it would be of great assistance to me. The Paris edition of Ternay’s work ought not to cost more than 25 francs, and that of Brussels much less. The work which I am engaged upon will be in English, and contain all the information required by officers in the field, from the Sub-Lieutenants of the three branches of which an army is composed, up to the Chief Staff Officer inclusive. It is a serious undertaking as it must be restricted to a portable volume, and include, with clearness and conciseness, the omne scibile of military affairs. With diligence and assiduity, assisted by the studies of my youthful days, I promise myself I shall succeed; still it is a work I shall not be able to finish in less than six or eight months. While thus engaged, I could devote some hours a day to other occupations, and I should like, if possible, to give lessons in the Italian language, literature, and in military art and science. Having been myself major of the staff, I can give good lessons in the latter, and am tolerably conversant with the former. Up to the present time my life has been unusually eventful, and passed mostly amidst dangers—a constant source of anxiety to my family, who have suffered no slight losses on my account. As I am a little more quiet just now, I wish to derive advantage from my acquirements, while awaiting the longed-for moment when I may once again take up arms for our independence. I have been advised to advertise in the Times that I am willing to give lessons; I should not like to do this, it would seem as if I wished to turn my good name to profit, although, instead of such an expedient, I think, if you would, you might greatly assist me amongst your acquaintances, and in any case I am quite ready to follow your advice. With my private life you are not, however, acquainted; but on this I give you full liberty to apply even to my adversaries, whether in opinion, or party, or otherwise, for we all have such. Of languages, I know French well, and for private lessons can make myself understood in English. I have written this to avoid troubling you, and if you will kindly let me know, I can call upon you at any time for better advice as to what I have said here. On political affairs I know nothing positive, but keep myself (as I told you) independent of every one, and should the Sardinian Government deem my slender services available for any enterprise, however daring, I am, and always shall be, ready, I mean, of course, for the independence of my native land; for that, since I could understand the idea, I have ever been restless, and have sacrificed all. In saying I am ready to lend a hand to the Sardinian Government, I am influenced solely by the love of my country and by the conviction that at the present time, if it will, it is the only Government that can render Italy independent, united, and great; and I shall think myself happy if, by devoting all my energies in an important act, fraught with serious consequences to the oppressors of Italy, I can at the same time put an end to a life which has so far been for me but sad, passionate, and melancholy. Pardon this expression of my feelings. From what I hear, it appears that my little book has met with some success, even in Piedmont and with all parties; certainly I have in no way exaggerated, but endeavoured to impress the necessity of sacrificing all political principle to the National Independence. I have done so myself since my first imprisonment in 1844. Nothing remains for me now but to beg you to excuse this long letter, and with every respect to assure you that I am,
Dear Sir, your very humble and devoted servant,
Felice Orsini.”
In another letter, dated “Glastonbury, 7th February, 1857,” he says in further development of his political dreams:—
“The book, with the documents, &c. ... is now finished.... In an introduction I insist on this point, that all our efforts should be directed towards the national independence. “While thus engaged, every thought of political theories must rest in peace; we are bound to be on the side of that Italian Government which, excluding the Pope and any foreign dynasty, will furnish us with the means of making war on Austria. All this I say with the frankness that has been natural to me throughout life, with the patriotic ardour that ever burns within me, and with the firm conviction that by such conduct alone can the Italians work their redemption.”