In 1763 a revolution broke out at Ragusa, the first since 1400, albeit a bloodless one, and the fourth in the whole course of her history. It arose through the antagonism between the old and the new nobility, the latter created after the earthquake. The two orders did not intermarry, and had always lived on terms of mutual jealousy. The older nobles were called Salamanchesi, and the newer Sorbonnesi.[496] The immediate cause of the outbreak was a romantic incident. A young Caboga, a member of the old aristocracy, fell in love with, and became betrothed to, a daughter of a Sorbonnese family. The affair caused great scandal, and was discussed in the Grand and Minor Councils. The Salamanchesi wished to forbid the marriage and to expel Caboga from the assemblies, while the newer order and many young members of the old wished to see these absurd barriers removed. As the former would not give way, the latter made overtures to the people, who were beginning to be somewhat dissatisfied with the existing Government. An émeute broke out; the Rector’s Palace was stormed by an armed band, the old nobles were turned out, and the officials forced to relinquish their functions. But the new nobles had not the courage to take possession in violation of the established rules of centuries, and for a time complete anarchy reigned. There were no law courts, no provincial governors, no commanders of the forts. The people, however, who had always been accustomed to absolute submission to the oligarchy, made no attempt to disturb the peace. They pursued their usual occupations, and awaited the result of the quarrel with equanimity, hoping that the outcome would be a reduction of their taxes. Negotiations between the two parties were opened, but the Salamanchesi proved intractable; and when the Sorbonnesi suggested Papal intervention they threatened to bring the affair before the Sultan and to apply for assistance to the Pasha of Bosnia, saying that they would rather give the city over to the Turks than resign their privileges! At last the new nobles declared that if their opponents did not give way in three days they would appoint their own Rector and the other officials. This decision ended the dispute, and a number of the Salamanchesi went over to the new party, which thus formed two-thirds of the Grand Council, so that the elections could be validly held. A compromise was arrived at: the Rector was chosen from the old nobility, the taxes were somewhat reduced, and the restrictions abolished.[497]
In 1768 war broke out between Russia and Turkey, in consequence of the interference of the former in the affairs of Poland and various incursions of Russian troops across the Turkish frontier. A Russian fleet, under Admiral Orloff and the Englishman Elphinstone, entered the Mediterranean and sailed up the Adriatic. Finding that a number of Ragusan ships were carrying foodstuffs from Alexandria and other Levantine ports to Constantinople, Orloff treated these and all other Ragusan vessels as enemies, although their captains protested that they had been forced to ship the cargoes by the Pasha of Alexandria. He summoned the Republic to renounce Turkish suzerainty, and to place itself under the protection of a Christian Power. He demanded that all the larger Ragusan ships should be sold to Russia, to whom the State must also make a loan, and permission was to be given for the erection of a Greek church in the town. The admiral threatened bombardment in case of non-compliance. The Government first thought of resisting, and tried to place Ragusa in a state of defence. But on examination it was discovered that of the 400 cannon in the forts only 40 were mounted, while the ammunition consisted of less than 2000 lbs. of powder and about 5000 cannon balls. A force of 5000 men might have been raised, but there was no means of arming or feeding them. The Republic then resorted to bribery, and offered Orloff 120,000 sequins, by which the storm was for a moment averted,[498] but the Russian fleet continued to harry Ragusan trade. The citizens, fearing further trouble, applied to France for assistance, and this not being forthcoming, to Austria. The Ragusan envoy at Vienna, Francesco Giuseppe Gondola, a descendant of the poet and the last of that name, did all in his power to induce the Empress Maria Theresa to intervene on behalf of Ragusa. But she was at that time on bad terms with Catherine II. of Russia, and the negotiations failed to have the desired effect. The Senate then sent Francesco Ragnina to St. Petersburg as envoy, but Catherine refused to receive him. At last, after long negotiations, when peace was made between Russia and Turkey in 1774, a special agreement was concluded at Leghorn between Orloff, who was there with his fleet, and Ragnina, settling the differences. A clause was inserted that a Greek church should be built, but it was not executed.
A quarrel arose between the Republic and the Kingdom of Naples in 1782. The Neapolitan Government, for some unknown reason, suddenly claimed to revive its old rights over Ragusa, and demanded the privilege of appointing a Governatore delle Armi in the town and a Neapolitan official as Resident. These requests being refused, it tried to enforce them by placing an embargo on the Ragusan ships in the ports of the Two Sicilies, and seizing all Ragusan property in the kingdom. The Ragusan Minister at Vienna, Count d’Ajala, induced Count Kaunitz, Austrian Minister at Naples, to intercede in the Republic’s favour, “as energetically as was consistent with the good relations between the two Courts.” But the Neapolitan Government held firm for the time. Eventually a compromise was arrived at, the embargo was removed, the confiscated property restored, and a Governatore delle Armi appointed on condition that he refrained from interfering with the affairs of the Republic. The salary paid to him was 30 soldi a day and an old turret to live in.[499]
The peace was again disturbed in 1787 by a new war between Russia and Turkey, Austria siding with the former. This time the Republic was more circumspect, and through the ability of d’Ajala suffered no harm beyond a little plundering. More serious trouble arose in 1792, when war having been declared by the European Coalition against the French Republic, the Court of Vienna complained that Ragusan ships were carrying grain to French ports. The Senate protested that such acts had been done against its orders, and that it had no objection to the punishment of Ragusan captains caught in the act. It is the same old story—Ragusan seamen profiting by foreign wars, while the Government casts off all responsibility.
MOSTAR IN THE HERZEGOVINA
Before coming to the concluding chapter of the Republic’s history, I shall quote a few descriptions of Ragusa in the eighteenth century by different travellers. Prévot, who was French consul in 1750, gives a curious picture of the town, showing the character of its narrow oligarchy. “The Republic,” he writes, “i.e. those who govern it, do not care that foreigners of distinction, whether consuls or traders, should come to Ragusa, because they are obliged to use a certain measure of respect and justice towards them which they do not show to any of their own subjects. The pride of the nobles, who make everything give way before their authority, is hurt at being obliged to show the least consideration to those who are not of their own order, lest they should lose caste in the eyes of their slaves, by whom they wish to be regarded as the lords of creation. Trade carried on by foreigners seems to them a trespass on their own ventures, even when it does not actually compete with them; for they dread even potential rivalry. Hence their system of exclusion, for they prefer to be absolute masters of very little rather than share a few benefits with people who are not their slaves. Above all, they imagine that the French, being sharper than other people, see the viciousness of their rule, the injustice of their administration, and the absurdity of their pretensions; they blush for very shame, and wish to be isolated so as to avoid being exposed to criticism. It is their sensitive spot. One may well be circumspect, but they have too much intelligence not to know their own defects, but too much obstinacy and pride to wish to correct them, and to suffer other witnesses of their conduct than those who are forced to applaud it. One may say that Ragusa is less a State than a private house, of which both masters and servants prefer to shut the doors to strangers so as to remain unknown.”[500]
Pouqueville, who was at Ragusa in 1805, also describes the social conditions of the people. “The nobles had places of honour in church, at the café, at the theatre, and the noblewomen had sedan chairs adorned with their armorial bearings, and took precedence at all meeting places. The days on which the Rector went to church were marked in red letters in the Ragusan calendar with the words, ‘Oggi Sua Serenità si porta al Duomo.’ He went there in a much patched red toga, preceded by a valet carrying a red silk umbrella ... followed by the Senators in black threadbare gowns. Before him marched two musicians, one with a hunting-horn and the other with a fiddle.
“The citizens form three corporations: the cittadinanza, recruited from the commoners having a capital of 20,000 francs, who were like the Roman liberti. Their women-folk were admitted to the theatre in a row of boxes parallel to that of the noblewomen, whom they eclipsed by their beauty and their attire. They had to pay visits to the noblewomen on certain days.