At the end of October a French squadron under Brueys appeared at Gravosa, and the Admiral offered the Republic the “good offices” of France, which were politely declined on the ground that Ragusa was under Turkish suzerainty. In August 1798 the French military authorities demanded the loan of some ships for the expedition to Egypt, and the request was granted. This caused General Brady, in command of the Austrians at Cattaro, to reprimand the Senate severely for its breach of neutrality, and he had to be appeased by a loan of 12,000 florins for his war chest. A short time afterwards a French agent named Briche came to Ragusa to raise a loan of 1,000,000 francs for France, and by means of threats induced the Senate to pay 400,000 down and issue two bills for 100,000 each. Austrian spies discovered this transaction, and informed their Government that the young men of Ragusa were imbued with French ideas. But the Senate cleverly protested against this forced contribution both in Vienna and in Constantinople, and suggested that the most adequate protection against similar extortions would be the presence of a few British frigates in the Adriatic. Caracciolo, their agent at Naples, opened negotiations with the British Minister for the purpose. At the same time their agent in Paris tried to obtain the remission of the bills, but without success, and the 200,000 francs had to be paid to Dubois, the French Commissary in the Adriatic. Another misfortune befell the Republic, which had a large sum of money invested in the Bank of Vienna. As the Emperor was again going to war the Bank made a call on the shareholders of 30 per cent. of their capital. Ragusa tried to shirk this payment, but in vain, and somehow the sum was procured. To meet these liabilities new taxes had to be raised, which fell chiefly on the peasants, hitherto almost exempt; the price of salt was increased, and every one was forced to buy a large amount of that commodity. This caused serious discontent, especially among the peasants of Canali, who had never been too loyal to the Republic; they now refused to pay the taxes, and rose in revolt. Eight Senators, who owned land in that district, went to try to induce them to hear reason, and this mission having failed, the Pasha of Trebinje was asked to place a corps of observation along the frontier to prevent the rebels from crossing over into Turkish territory, while General Brady was asked to send an Austrian detachment to help to quell the revolt, expressly requesting that they should be Germans, and not ex-Venetian soldiers. Brady, however, had too few troops to dispose of, and no authority to enter Ragusan territory. At the same time a deputation of Canalesi called on him and explained their grievances and the persecutions inflicted by the Ragusans, which they attributed to the fact “that they (the Canalesi) had refused to follow the nobles in their Jacobin ideas.” This was enough for Brady, to whom the very name of Jacobin was anathema; he at once took the Canalesi under his protection, and wrote to the Senate demanding that their grievances should be redressed. The Canalesi also sent a memorandum to the Emperor of Austria, complaining of the increase of the taxes since 1750, of the kidnapping of boys to serve on board Ragusan ships, and of girls to be used by the nobles for illicit purposes, and imploring him to free them from Ragusa’s yoke and take them under his protection. At the same time the Republic sent two envoys to Vienna to explain the situation from the Ragusan point of view, and to represent Brady as an accomplice of the Turks and the schismatics and a protector of rebels; and also an envoy to the Divan, to say that Austria was meditating an invasion of the Herzegovina.[537] The Emperor ordered Brady to pacify the insurgents, but without using force. When the Austrian Foreign Office heard of the mission to Constantinople it was much incensed, but d’Ajala managed to hush the matter up. The Senate then redressed the grievances of the Canalesi, and succeeded in restoring order. But the leaders of the movement were subsequently punished on various pretexts, and this led to further trouble in future. The deficit was met by the suppression of the rich monastery of Lacroma, and the seizure of its property.
These immediate troubles and dangers having been warded off, there follows a period of five years (1800-1805) which is perhaps the most prosperous in the whole history of the Republic. All the other States of the Mediterranean, large or small, were involved in war; Ragusa alone remained neutral, and therefore enjoyed almost a monopoly of the carrying trade. Her ships were more numerous than they had ever been before, and her income enormous. English privateers harried French commerce, and French ones that of England; Venice was no longer of any mercantile importance; the Turks plundered all Christian ships except those of Ragusa. The Senate, with its traditional diplomacy, kept on good terms with everybody, especially with the Turks. A few frontier incidents with Austria occurred, but they were settled amicably. In 1804 Timoni was appointed Austrian consul at Ragusa. His instructions were to protect Austrian commercial interests, and to assure the Senate that the Emperor intended to protect the Republic and guarantee the integrity of its territory. When war broke out between France and Austria in 1805 Ragusa refused to commit herself, but Timoni informed his Government that the sympathies of the citizens were with the French, and when the “bad news” (of Austerlitz) arrived they did not conceal their satisfaction. Even in the Senate more than half the members were Francophil. “It appears,” wrote Timoni, “that this Government, of which the apathy, indolence, and venality are at their height, will undergo the fate for which it is destined.... I am convinced that if peace be not concluded, the French will try to get possession of this Republic, and form a body of troops here with whom to attack Cattaro. The only means by which this could be avoided, and which I venture to submit to the superior intelligence of your Excellency, is that in case hostilities should recommence you should place a garrison in the town until peace is declared, without, however, interfering in the affairs of the Government.”[538]
Bruère was at this time French consul at Ragusa. He was a cultivated, brilliant man, and had charming manners. He was also a littérateur, and composed sonnets and epigrams in French, Italian, and even in Slavonic. He thus soon acquired considerable influence over the young men of the town, and aroused French sympathies among them, for which, indeed, the reading of French books had prepared the way. But these sentiments did not prevent the Senate from politely refusing to make a further loan of ammunition and provisions to France, which Murat demanded in 1801, for they remembered what bad paymasters the French were. On the contrary, they tried once more to get their previous loan of 600,000 francs refunded. While the negotiations were going on the Senate wrote most respectfully to the First Consul, and when he was proclaimed Emperor they congratulated him enthusiastically in the best Ragusan style, and he replied with a letter in which he called them his “dear and good friends.”
The Russians had long desired to establish a footing in the Mediterranean, so as to attack Constantinople from both sides, and after various fruitless attempts they determined to seize Ragusa. In 1802 they appointed Charles Fonton their consul in the town. During the siege of Malta the French had received some provisions from Ragusan ships, and the Tsar Paul, deeming this a good excuse for aggressive action, instructed Fonton to assume the most brutal manner towards the authorities. He neglected no opportunity of making a quarrel. First, he demanded that a house should be provided for him at the Republic’s expense, and when this was complied with, he said it was not good enough. This ridiculous dispute lasted two years, and in his correspondence with the Government he was as insolent and arrogant as only a Russian consul knows how to be. He also insisted on the execution of the clause of the treaty of 1775, that Orthodox services should be held at Ragusa, and, although a Catholic himself, he converted an abandoned chapel into an Orthodox church, where a Montenegrin pope conducted the services. The Senate made remonstrances to Vienna, Constantinople, and St. Petersburg about Fonton’s outrageous behaviour, and tried to obtain his removal. But when these manœuvres were discovered, and the anger of Russia was feared, the Senate very ungratefully made d’Ajala their scapegoat, disowned him, and forced him to resign after thirty years of faithful service to the Republic.
TORRE MENZE AND THE WALLS
The Russians, naturally, were anything but popular at Ragusa, and this strengthened the French sentiments of the people. César Berthier, the nephew of the Marshal, flaunted about in the public places and private houses surrounded by the young men of the best families, discoursing loudly of the glories of Napoleon, to the extreme disgust of Fonton.
By the Peace of Pressburg France regained Venetia, and consequently Istria and Dalmatia. To this last possession Napoleon attached great importance, as it formed an excellent base for operations in the Balkans and in the East. In February 1806 the French troops under General Molitor occupied the country as far as Makarska, and preparations were made for an attack on Cattaro, where resistance was expected on the part of the Montenegrins and Albanians, supported by the Russians.
During the war of 1805 Russia had sent a fleet of forty-two ships and transports, under Admiral Siniavin, into the Adriatic. After the battle of Austerlitz it concentrated at Corfu, and the Admiral was invited by the Montenegrins to occupy Cattaro. This he did, obliging the Austrian garrison to retire. Ghislieri, the Austrian Commissary, who had arranged the evacuation, was accused of cowardice, for although Austria had given up Dalmatia to France, he had not yet received orders to quit his post. The French were furious, and declared Austria responsible for the Russian occupation of Cattaro, which they would now have to attack in force. These events disturbed the Ragusans, who feared lest the passage of French troops through their territory should end in a permanent occupation. The Senate sent conciliatory letters to Napoleon, congratulating “the most glorious of Emperors” on his victories, and to Talleyrand, “the most virtuous of Ministers.” They offered to transport the French army by sea from Stagno to Ragusavecchia or Porto Rose, thus avoiding the passage through the town of Ragusa, and voted 30,000 piastres for the purpose. Unfortunately, Sankovski, the Russian Commissary, heard of the offer, and threatened that if these were the Republic’s intentions he would order the occupation of Ragusavecchia, adding that the garrison would be a Montenegrin one, well knowing how the Ragusans hated and feared those lawless mountaineers. Another Russian agent came to Ragusa on board a frigate, insisted that all arrangements with the French should be cancelled, and ordered the Senate to inform the Russians as to the movements of the French troops. The Senate instructed Bassegli and Zlatarić, their agents in the French camp, to do everything to hinder Molitor’s advance, by describing the strength of the Russians and the risks of the march. This they did, and Molitor was so impressed by their statements that he gave up the plan for the moment. His demand for a further loan of 300,000 francs was refused on the plea that the treasury was empty, although as a matter of fact it was not. Siniavin now proposed to attack Ragusa and occupy it, but the Senate’s protestations of loyalty to the Tsar, and possibly its bribes, induced him to desist from a move which would have secured him from all fear of a French attack.[539]