The Diplomatists of Europe

by M. Capefigue

The ambassadors naturally hesitated what course they should pursue in the midst of so many difficulties. Should they proceed to St. Cloud? But it was necessary the translation of the government should be officially notified to them by the minister for foreign affairs; ought they to make observations, to mix themselves up with the withdrawal of the ordonnances, or the negotiations of the Hôtel de Ville and the provisional government? That was not their duty, nor had they any right to interfere. The only plan, then, they could adopt was to await the end of the struggle, and not concern themselves with the plan of the government, until it placed itself in communication with their respective courts by requiring to be recognised.

In a meeting at the residence of the Nuncio, they decided upon remaining at Paris until further orders, and taking no part in events until they should receive an official communication from Charles X. Couriers extraordinary were despatched to the different courts to keep them constantly informed of the progress of this important affair, and request further instructions; generally speaking, all the despatches blamed Prince Polignac's carelessness, and described the events that had taken place in Paris in moderate language; mentioning the order that prevailed in the midst of disorder, the appointment of a lieutenant-general of the kingdom, and the abdication of the King and of the Duke of Angoulême: they then awaited patiently the termination of the insurrection, without compromising themselves, and without either giving or receiving an impulsion.

Here we must take a general view of the life of Count Pozzo di Borgo to explain the constantly serious and temperate direction of his despatches. He had never belonged to the ultra royalist party, but being a man of moderation and principle he had restricted himself to measures, corresponding with the events brought to pass by the French revolution: in this consisted the bond of union between him and the Richelieu party, composed of Pasquier, Molé, and de Rayneval, who were all strongly opposed to coups d'état. The despatches of Count Pozzo evince at all times a spirit of forethought and moderation. In 1816 he supported the Duc de Richelieu; in 1828, the ministry of M. de Martignac and the Comte de la Ferronays; when the ministry of Prince Polignac was formed, he, like every one else, foresaw the disasters likely to ensue, and his correspondence made such an impression at St. Petersburg, that the Emperor Nicholas thought it necessary to speak to M. de Mortemart on the subject. The Czar entertained a strong dislike to the ministry of Prince Polignac, because he believed him to be devoted to the English system, and the fall of M. de Martignac appeared to him a sort of check to his eastern policy; he repeated several times to M. de Mortemart, "Are they preparing anything in Paris against the charter? Write to the King to take care what he is about; above all, let him avoid coups d'état." In considering the attitude assumed by the corps diplomatique at this juncture, it is very important to bear in mind, that in the transactions of 1814 and 1815, as well as in the minutes of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1818, the charter and the dynasty were considered equally under the protection of Europe, and were viewed as inseparable.

They had not long to wait for the recognition of most of the various courts of Europe; England, though governed by the Duke of Wellington and the Tories, approved in many successive despatches of a revolution conducted on the plan of that in 1688; Prussia came next, then Austria, without any symptom of hesitation; and, lastly, Pozzo di Borgo received credentials from his sovereign, which he presented with confidence and dignity, one idea being constantly predominant in his mind,—that order and peace were the first requisites in an European government.

Matters were in this state when the Polish question placed Pozzo di Borgo in a situation of great difficulty; perhaps under no circumstances of his diplomatic life was more discretion required and displayed. The ardent sympathies of the mob had been roused in favour of the Poles; a commotion took place in Paris, and spread in that city scarcely recovered from the agitation occasioned by the revolution of July; the cry of "Success to Poland! Down with the Russians!" was heard under the windows of the ambassador, stones were thrown at the hôtel, and the Russian legation surrounded their chief, endeavouring to persuade him to demand his passports, a step that would have announced a complete rupture. The ambassador appeased the impatience of his legation: "Our sovereign," said he, "is just now in a ticklish situation, and we must take no rash steps with regard to France, so as to involve ourselves in a fresh difficulty; let us wait for the apologies which will soon be made us; the mob is not the government; we are not ambassadors to the street, but to a regular authority. Let us turn the popular fury, not attack it in front." The next morning the minister for foreign affairs paid an official visit to Count Pozzo, to apologise on the part of the government, and a body of troops was ordered for his protection against any violence that might still be attempted by the mob.

From his earliest youth Pozzo di Borgo had been accustomed to dwell in the midst of political crises, and he was therefore not disturbed by the symptoms of insurrection around him, especially as he had full confidence in the wisdom and decision of the cabinet; some secret conferences had also made him aware, that France would not interfere in favour of Poland, but would allow Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the free exercise of their rights over that unfortunate country. The treaties of 1815 were still more firmly established than before, a few empty words of sympathy or encouragement were bestowed upon the insurgents, and Europe viewed with satisfaction the conduct of the new government, whose moderate measures had been rendered more difficult, by the threatening attitude assumed by different parties, and the prevalence of excited opinions armed with sufficient power to make them dangerous. Is no credit due to the wisdom which was the means of preserving peace? the forethought and moderation which averted the evil tendency of party spirit? Count Pozzo was loaded with compliments and expressions of gratitude, for he had probably saved Europe from a general war by not quitting Paris. The Polish insurrection was put down, after which all the forces of Russia were available against any foreign interference; and the ambassador who had safely passed through the dangerous crisis, had great cause to congratulate himself upon results, which left the cabinet of St. Petersburg at liberty to decide at once upon the fate of Poland. That country received no assistance from France; the interference of the French Chambers was limited to some barren protests in answer to which Pozzo di Borgo represented that Poland had been the aggressor, having torn asunder the bands of the constitution by her revolt, and that the Propaganda alone would be to blame should Poland now cease entirely to exist: that great efforts had been made since the year 1815 to overcome the natural antipathy entertained by the Russians for the Poles, which was as strong as the dislike existing between the Jews and Christians in Poland. What exertion and anxiety it had cost the generous heart of Alexander to give a national constitution to Poland! it was a subject on which he had consulted rather his feelings than his understanding, and the old Russian nobility had never forgiven his conduct on the occasion.

In the midst of all these serious political occurrences, of the disturbances in Paris, the various plots both foreign and domestic, the Russian campaign against Constantinople, and the imperative,—I might almost say, the capricious orders of his court, Count Pozzo always preserved the character of a man of impartial moderation, and of a skilful statesman who conceives and works out a system, without giving way to any of the crotchets formed by prince or courtier capable of endangering more serious interests. He who had resisted the Emperor Alexander by expressing his opinion with firmness, always continued to refuse obedience to instructions irreconcilable with the rules of general policy, which form the basis and regulate the relations between one state and another. Such was the constant tenor of his despatches after the year 1830. He was convinced that France, to the rest of Europe must serve as a principle either of order or disorder, possessing either way very great influence; and to all requisitions which did not tally with these ideas, he replied by writing to his court, "You have other agents besides me for affairs of this nature; I am only fit for moderate and conciliatory measures."

When the Turkish war was concluded, the ambassador received orders to proceed to London for the purpose of forming a just estimate of the state of affairs, and the position of the Whigs and Tories; having been successful in his endeavours to prevent France from taking part against Russia, it now became equally essential to sound the Tories, and become acquainted with the bent of their views, should parliament and the march of public opinion again place them at the head of affairs. The official ambassador from Russia to London was Prince Lieven, or rather it was said Princess Lieven, a woman of great ability, whose brilliant assemblies were the favourite resort of the Tory nobility, and the centre of political intelligence. Count Pozzo had very little communication with the Whig ministry; his acquaintance was principally with the Duke of Wellington and the Earl of Aberdeen, who was minister for foreign affairs, for the Tory interest; for that party, although out of office, still retained some representatives among the ministry. The conversations between the Duke and Pozzo di Borgo, were an interchange of recollections and hopes, together with the means of regulating the probabilities of the return of the Tories into the ministry. It was already in contemplation, although public opinion had strongly opposed a premature attempt made by the Duke of Wellington to resume the direction of affairs. In political life it is a mark of great ability to know how to bide one's time.