The Diplomatists of Europe

by M. Capefigue

The chamber of peers obtained a complete triumph; although weakened by successive promotions,[31] its influence over the elections of 1827 was very great. The Martignac ministry was formed upon the principles of the Richelieu administration, that is to say, with the upright intentions that characterised the statesmen of that noble school. M. Pasquier naturally assumed his proper degree of ascendancy over that administration; the bond of recollections and of similarity of principles united him with M. Portalis, the keeper of the seals; and it was repeatedly proposed that he should resume the charge of the foreign office, his name having even been suggested by the council of the ministers after the retirement of M. de la Ferronays. Charles X. however negatived the appointment when the list of the candidates was presented to him, for he did not wish to have any man of importance in a ministry which could only be of transitory duration; and certain prejudices, dating from the year 1815, which had never been effaced from the king's mind, first made him prefer M. de Rayneval, and afterwards, finding the influence of that able diplomatist upon the two chambers not sufficiently powerful, M. de Portalis was appointed minister for foreign affairs.

The formation of the Polignac ministry occasioned great uneasiness to the political party, which was always composed of men of eminent talents, and desirous of the establishment and preservation of order; they observed with great anxiety the impending crisis, and they dreaded the fatal struggle likely to be attempted by the party of the restoration. All these experienced minds were well acquainted with Charles X.; they knew that with all the advantages of his chivalrous disposition, his undoubted uprightness of mind, his thoroughly French character, he still had an unfortunate inclination for coups d'état, and extravagant actions that might compromise the safety of his government. The corps diplomatique were equally uneasy, and confidential communications took place between them and the political party, expressing their sense of the danger and agitation likely to be caused by a coup d'état; they were consequently less surprised than alarmed by the promulgation of the ordonnances of July. The political party held itself in reserve during the popular crisis, and when order was a little restored, it confined itself to giving a monarchical bias to society, as the only means of preserving France from a foreign or domestic war. As soon as the charter had restored the balance of power, and the monarchical form of government, M. Pasquier was appointed president of the chamber of peers.

He had hardly taken his seat before he had to encounter the trial of the ministers of Charles X., the chamber of peers having been converted into a court of justice. We must look back upon the feelings of that time, and remember the storm of passion that roared around,—the tumult that was excited! Those parties who seek their own advantage in every thing wanted to profit by the solemnity of these trials to occasion disorder; this sovereign people, these heroes of the barricades, thirsted after the blood of the imprudent ministers of Charles X.; shouts and yells were heard recalling the days of horror of the first revolution, the national guard was devoid of energy, and the troops of the line discouraged by the check they had received at the barricades. Matters were in this state, when the chamber of peers was called upon to deliberate in the midst of tumult and disorder, and history will confess that it proved itself worthy of better times, by refusing to sanction the sanguinary vengeance so loudly demanded by the populace. Some degree of strength of mind and courage was required, when crowds of people, agitated like a troubled sea, threatened to invade the Luxembourg and assassinate all the members of the chamber; nevertheless the peers resisted, and a sentence of imprisonment alone was pronounced, which could hardly be considered as a punishment, because in seasons of political troubles, if people escape with their lives, there is no doubt that in due time the popular fury will subside, and permit their restoration to liberty and civil existence. The prudence and talents of M. Pasquier did admirable service to the cause of justice and order at this juncture.

It was no doubt to reward the spirit of moderation evinced by the peers on this occasion, that the parties made haste to deprive them of their right to hereditary succession. The first blow aimed at the importance of this assembly was evidently the clause in the charter, which annulled the peerages created by Charles X. The peerage was thus deprived of its indelible character, it was now no more than an office capable of being revoked, and of which one might be deprived almost like a prefecture; what sort of aristocracy could be formed of such elements? The next step was to take away the hereditary transmission of the peerage, majorats were abolished, it was reduced to a mere office for life, without power or influence upon the government. From the time the peers consented to vote away their hereditary rights, they became a mere council of elders, a kind of chapel of ease to the chamber of deputies; the chamber of peers was converted into a sort of noble hospital, where the wounded among the old political or military ranks might seek repose. The chamber of peers no longer possessed inviolability, hereditary rank, or property; from henceforth it could no longer be an aristocratic body capable of resisting a democratic impulse, but its sole greatness must consist in the superiority of intelligence, the extensive experience, and great political ability it possessed, and which no other body could dispute with it.

Parties were not yet overcome, and a despairing effort had been made by the republican party in the streets of Paris: the sword of justice still hung suspended over many of the accused, and in virtue of the charter all these offences were referred for trial to the chamber of peers. It was said at that time in the newspapers, and even at the tribune, that these trials would not take place; "It was impossible," repeated they, "that the accused should be summoned before an old worn-out body, like the chamber of peers." I must mention that M. Pasquier's personal opinion had in the first instance been in favour of an amnesty, and he wrote a memorial in which his motives were clearly explained, but when the government decided that course to be impossible, he comprehended the full extent of his duty as a magistrate. People may recollect the firmness, the gravity, the patience, even the haughtiness exhibited by the president of the court, during these debates; he retained his superiority over these excited and straightforward minds, and over the hearts of the young men who were animated by patriotism and elevation of feeling. Not a single sentence of death was pronounced, all the punishments were mild, and the prisoners were able to profit by the amnesty shortly afterwards granted to the solicitations of M. Pasquier.

The trial of Fieschi was going on almost at the same time, after the atrocious crime which had filled Paris with horror and bloodshed. History will, perhaps, deprecate the too great consideration exhibited towards Fieschi, and blame the undue attention shewn to that sanguinary mountebank, who declaimed at the bar of justice like a street orator. One of the prisoners alone had something remarkable in his appearance and character; this was the aged Morey, a faithful specimen of the old Jacobins, whose erroneous opinions are deserving of pity, because he sealed them with his blood. This abuse was remedied in the affair of Alibeau, by assigning a subordinate rank to that miserable trial, with which the chamber of peers was burdened. On this occasion the scene was restrained within due proportions, the reward of celebrity was no longer conferred upon all those who dreamed of murder and assassination, and the alteration produced so good an effect, that during the last trial, that of Meunier, public curiosity was scarcely excited, and the crime was abandoned to its proper obscurity.

The great exertions M. Pasquier was compelled to make injured his health, but had no effect upon the great qualities of his mind, or upon the activity and skill in the management of affairs, which always particularly distinguished men of the political party. I believe no circumstance of importance has occurred during the last seven years, upon which he has not been consulted. It is said he exercised great influence on the formation of Casimir Perier's ministry; at all events, his habit of preparing memorials, and of examining closely into all the circumstances likely to produce any striking effect upon public life, has often decided the resolutions of government, and his connexion with the cabinet, and with the principal diplomatic characters, has always facilitated the direction of affairs. He rarely takes them in hand himself, but, like Talleyrand, he makes people act without personally appearing; occupying thus, perhaps, a more elevated position than if he were openly at the head of the government.

He is a man of great experience and of extreme readiness of mind; add to which, I never knew a man more assiduously devoted to his work; and it is worthy of remark, that at the very time he was engaged in taking part in all the most active and violent questions of government, he found leisure to write more than twenty volumes upon the history of his own times. His positive determination not to allow any of his manuscripts to see the light during his lifetime, and even to forbid too early a publication of them after his death, is a sure pledge of the perfect independence of men and circumstances, with which he has devoted himself to so great a work. This constant habit of occupation, and study of facts, enlarges the ideas, and nothing gives a more exalted tone to the minds of statesmen. In the present day we are apt to throw ourselves into political life without any preliminary study; and because we know how to write a few sentences, or that we have uttered a few words at the tribune, we consider ourselves equal to the task of governing a country. Far different is the English method! Political life among our neighbours is a great duty, an entire and constant devotion to the subject; history, diplomacy, administration, in fact every thing must be learned by a public man who aspires to the honour of the ministry, or to a confidential situation for the service of his country.

M. Pasquier had attained his sixty-eighth year at the time he was invested with the dignity of chancellor of France, he had been president of the chamber of peers ever since the revolution of July.

This elevated situation was well suited to a Pasquier, the descendant of a family which had held magisterial office for the last two centuries, and the present chancellor answers perfectly to the idea his ancestors had formed of the office he holds.