The Diplomatists of Europe

by M. Capefigue

Robert Stewart, also, considered that Ireland could not with justice be deprived of an extensive commerce with the colonies. What was the use of a system which made all the advantages fall to the share of England and Scotland, without allowing the essentially agricultural population of Ireland, to participate in them? Young Stewart defended the interests of Ireland with energy and great ability, and he immediately attracted the attention of those in power, more especially the Marquis of Buckingham and Lord Westmoreland.

The rebellion in Ireland took place at this juncture; the people were determined to separate themselves from the English crown; the time was past when the questions raised by the opposition were those of religious liberty or political independence; they now wanted to establish a sort of Irish republic, under the protection of the democracy that was then setting Europe in a blaze. Treasonable correspondence with the French republic could not fail to place the society of United Irishmen without the pale of the constitution and of all patriotic feelings. Ireland called for the assistance of foreigners, and a strong party was naturally formed to oppose these evil designs. The Orangemen, who sided with the government, organised the yeomanry—a sort of feudal system against the insurgents, and a civil war broke out in Ireland at the time of the expeditions to their coasts, commanded by Generals Hoche and Humbert. The members of parliament could not venture on further hesitation; for it was necessary either to take part with the United Irishmen supported by foreigners, or to declare for the government of Mr. Pitt. Robert Stewart, who had just acquired the title of Castlereagh, upon his father being created Earl of Londonderry, exhibited no indecision as to the course he was to pursue, and from this time forth he was always firmly convinced that the only real statesmen are those who know how to repress the tumultuous movements of popular excitement.

He now devoted himself to repressive measures, with the energy that formed the basis of his character. He had been appointed secretary for Ireland under Lord Camden, and by this means became identified with the Orange party. It was principally owing to his vigorous measures that the insurrection was brought to a termination, for he never was arrested by any of the trifling obstacles which often form the ruin of causes; he considered it necessary the government should display perfect inflexibility, for the salvation of the country was at stake: amnesties were granted, it is true, but not until the tumult was over and the rebels had laid down their arms. During this struggle Lord Castlereagh was particularly distinguished for the strength and importance he conferred upon the Orange party, consisting of men of property who were formed into a body for the defence of their land. Lord Cornwallis was able, after a time, to succeed Lord Camden in the government of Ireland, and the repressive system had then produced such a state of security, that the government considered the season of pardon and oblivion to have arrived.

The most violent hatred was now aroused against Lord Castlereagh: it is, alas! the fate of all who by violent means restore order in a country, for they occasion discontent, and all the spirits whose turbulence had troubled the country are, of course, opposed to them; because their proceedings have been severe, people insist that they have been sanguinary. These invectives of the Irish did not permit Lord Cornwallis to retain Lord Castlereagh as secretary, he therefore gave in his resignation; for, in peaceful times, the men who commanded during the storm are no longer required, and when the tempest is over the services of the hardy pilot are scarcely remembered: thus Marquis Cornwallis, whose government was distinguished for its indulgence, no longer required the inflexible hand of the former secretary. No part of his conduct, however, had escaped the vast intellect of the statesman then at the head of the English government. Mr. Pitt had discovered the secretary for Ireland to possess an inflexible mind, which, when once convinced of the expediency of any measure, was capable of making every exertion, and encountering every risk, in order to carry out an idea he had formed; and this kind of disposition must have been particularly satisfactory to Mr. Pitt at a time when England was threatened with so many dangers. In unsettled times, the presence of men of firm and determined characters, who will prevent society from falling to pieces, is of the greatest importance to a government. From this moment, a communication took place between Pitt and Lord Castlereagh. The great minister required a powerful supporter in the definitive question of the parliamentary union of Ireland and England; for the late disturbances, and more especially the unfortunate appeal to a foreign power, and to the leaders of the French revolution, had inspired Mr. Pitt with a firm conviction, that neither strength nor order were to be hoped for, except through the means of the Union, and that the existence of the Irish parliament was in direct opposition to the spirit of centralisation, which can alone secure the prosperity and glory of a country. After every insurrection Ireland was losing some portion of her freedom,—a fate always prepared by agitators for those who trust too much to their words! A nation obtains concessions only when it remains in a quiescent position, and when its well-founded complaints are uttered with calm sobriety of manner; silent suffering produces a great effect on the minds of the beholders, and the feeling of justice exercises an unspeakable influence. Lord Castlereagh in the Irish parliament made himself the zealous champion of Mr. Pitt, in his plan for uniting the two parliaments; the country comprehended the advantages to be derived from this measure, and it was decided that the three crowns of England, Scotland, and Ireland, ought to form one great whole, which would hereafter be the support of the Continent when threatened with danger. Pitt was highly satisfied with Lord Castlereagh's speech for the Union; he was summoned by the ministerial party to the united House of Commons, and appointed president of the Board of Control for the affairs of India. This is one of the appointments conferred in England by the ministers upon the talented men with whom they surround themselves, for the sake of their support in parliament.

No man could be better acquainted with the situation of Ireland than Lord Castlereagh, or more perfectly aware of all the resources of the Orange party which could be employed for the purpose of repression. This knowledge rendered him a person of great importance, for the prime minister was then anxious to put into execution the union between England and Ireland, which had been decided upon in parliament, and Lord Castlereagh, who by his profound acquaintance with the moral topography of Ireland was the man most calculated to realise this design, was consulted upon all the measures to be pursued. Mr. Pitt especially possessed the practical genius which enabled him to discover men of particular capacity, and around him were a multitude of young and clever men, each with his appointed station and employment. The system of under-secretaries of state in England produces wonderful results; it gives to affairs their full developement, enabling the statesman to confine himself to generalities, both of ideas and systems, while the young under-secretaries devote all their energies to the statistics of detail and the internal administration. Thus was Lord Castlereagh situated; a man of an inflexible and laborious disposition, who never arrived at a general idea except by means of the most careful and minute study of all the circumstances.

This special knowledge of affairs caused Lord Castlereagh to be retained even during Mr. Addington's ministry, which lasted but a very short time, and was succeeded by Mr. Pitt's still more decided plans against the French revolution. Addington signed the peace of Amiens, and Castlereagh, as president of the Board of Trade, had to deliberate upon all the measures which augmented the commercial relations of England with India and the colonies. He assumed no position as a political character, for he did not agree with the ideas entertained by Addington, and he, therefore, completely gave himself up to his duties at the Board of Control and to the affairs of Ireland. His heart was full of detestation for France, and, in imitation of his master, he allowed this administration to pass without taking any part in it. As a reward for his conduct on this occasion, Pitt, on resuming his situation at the head of affairs, gave him the portfolio of the War department.

It is necessary to observe that Pitt's great ambition was that all the various departments should be entirely dependent upon him; he did not like to have any men about him except those of his school, or immediately attached to his system,—his fides Achates, as they were classically termed by Dundas; and among these young men the names of Castlereagh and Canning are especially resplendent: both were subject to his power, but of essentially opposite characters, and jealous of each other. Castlereagh was so firm and decided, that he never gave up an idea he had once formed; his manner of speaking was slow, and rather heavy, but serious, and never thoughtless. Canning, on the contrary, was sarcastic, and rather inclined to classic declamation; an orator, rather spoiled from a constant striving after effect. Castlereagh was often listened to with impatience, nevertheless, he generally attained his object; while Canning, by the generality of people, was only viewed in the light of an eloquent speaker. Castlereagh was a statesman; Canning, a man of words, rather theatrical, not to be relied on, and with an indescribable levity of language and purpose. Castlereagh would have laid down his life for his party, or for an idea; Canning was a renegade to his party, he supported every thing with ability, and gloried in his oratorical triumphs, at the very time he was compromising his cabinet.

When Pitt, their illustrious chief, died broken-hearted by the victory of Austerlitz, the king considered it indispensable, in order to conclude a peace with France, that Fox and Grenville, the leaders of the Whigs, should assume the ministry; it was an unfortunate attempt, often repeated in England. Fox, and all his friends, shewed themselves perfectly devoid of political knowledge, and they also evinced extreme incapacity, which gave occasion to the remark that a Whig ministry was a misfortune both for the country and for the party itself; for the country, because it compromises it, and for the party, because the Whigs always forfeit their reputation, throwing away, in a ministry which lasted fifteen months, the fruit of fifteen years of popularity. As might be expected, Canning and Castlereagh were the most violent opponents of Fox's cabinet. The debates in parliament during this ministry form a curious study; Canning and Castlereagh did not like each other, though they were on the same side of the question, and this was mainly owing to the difference in their talents, as well as in the character of their minds and intellects. Castlereagh attacked the administration by means of reasoning, an appeal to figures, and a sort of traditional influence, which produced a great effect upon the Tories; while Canning, on the contrary, trusted to poetical sallies, or ridicule. Above all, Fox was out of place at the head of affairs.

Men whose whole life is passed in attacking others, are essentially in a bad position when they assume the direction of affairs; they are unable to breathe, they are neither free nor happy in this sphere, for it is not congenial to them. The men of business, on the contrary, who are for a short time in the opposition, become very dangerous opponents, especially if they possess a flow of language and a quick and earnest manner; as they have seen a great deal, they preserve an incontestable degree of authority while reproaching the opposition with succeeding no better than they did when in power, and with imitating awkwardly the very conduct they had formerly attacked with great violence. The men who declaim are not to be feared; the only really formidable adversaries are those who have had much experience in the course of events.

The wretched administration of Lord Grey, after the death of Fox, was a continuation of the Whig politics. His lordship had at all times been rather the bulwark than leader of his party, and the tool of the able men who availed themselves of his high reputation: there are generally in politics some characters who serve as a stalking-horse for certain opinions; they have a great name, which is taken hold of, to be employed or absorbed according to circumstances.