CHAPTER XL.
Had the fatal sisters, even now, put forth their shears and clipped his thread, yet would not the friend of man "have fallen without his fame." Admiring posterity would still have written on his tomb,
Here lies the GREAT FRANKLIN.
But though great now, he is destined to be much greater still. A crisis is approaching that is to call forth all his talents, and to convince even the most unthinking, that in the dark day of trouble the "wise shall shine forth like the firmament." By the crisis here mentioned, I mean the events leading to the American revolution.
The British cabinet, as if entire strangers to that divine philosophy which commands its disciples to be "no respecters of persons," allowed themselves in the most fatal policy of sparing the British subjects in England at the expense of the British subjects in America. After having drained much money from them in a variety of unconstitutional ways, they came at length to the resolution of taxing the colonies without their consent.
This dark design was hinted in 1754, by the minister, to governor Shirley, of the Massachusetts-Bay colony. The governor, well knowing his extraordinary penetration and judgment, broke this ministerial plan to Dr. Franklin; requesting his opinion of it. Dr. Franklin answered this question of the governor, by urging an "immediate union of the colonies with great Britain, by allowing them representatives in parliament," as the only thing that could prevent those ceaseless encroachments on the one side, and those bitter animosities on the other, which, he feared, would one day prove the ruin of both countries. As to the ministerial plan of taxing the colonies by act of parliament, where they have no representation, he assured the governor that it would prove utterly abominable. "His majesty, sir," said he to the governor, "has no subjects in all his wide dominions, who more heartily love him than do his American subjects. Nor do there exist on earth, the Englishmen who hold more dear the glory of old England than they do. But the same spirit of their gallant forefathers, which makes them ready to lay down their lives and fortunes, in a constitutional way, for their king and country, will for ever secure them from being slaves. We exult, sir, in the recollection, that of all the governments on earth, that of Great Britain has long been the freest; and that more blood has been shed for freedom's sake in England in one week, than on the whole continent for fifty years. Now, on the bright face of that government, the first and fairest feature is this: that no king can touch a penny belonging to the poorest subject, without his own consent, by his representative in parliament. For, if, say they, 'a king can at pleasure take our money, he can take every thing else; since with that he can easily hire soldiers to rob, and then murder us if we but open our lips against him.' As Americans glory in being Englishmen on the western side of the Atlantic, they very naturally claim the common right of Englishmen, not to be taxed without their own consent, by their representatives in parliament. But the British ministry, though they obstinately refuse to the Americans the sacred rights of representation, yet as wickedly insist on the right of taxation; and accordingly have brought into parliament the famous stamp act bill, whereby no business that requires a record on paper, as deeds, bonds, wills, marriages, &c. can be legally done but on paper that has received the royal stamp. Now, sir, you well know that the same minister who proposes this most iniquitous and unconstitutional act, would not dare propose to any the most drunken tavern-keeper in England, a farthing tax on a pot of his ale without the consent of his representative in parliament; and yet, without being allowed a hearing in parliament, three millions of free-born Americans, sons of Englishmen, are to be taxed at the pleasure of a distant minister! Not, honoured sir, that the Americans care a fig for the pence imposed on this bit of stamp paper, but for the principle. For they well know that if parliament claim a right to take from us a penny in the pound, there is no line drawn to bound that right; and what shall hinder their calling whenever they please for the other nineteen shillings and eleven pence? And besides, sir, where is the necessity for this most degrading measure? Have not the Americans ever shown themselves the warmest friends of their king and country? Have they not, in all cases of danger, most readily voted both their men and money to the full extent of their means, and sometimes far beyond?
"And in addition to all this, are they not daily paying large monies in secret taxes to Great Britain?
"I. We are not permitted to trade with foreign nations! All the difference in the price of what we could buy cheaper from them, but must buy dearer from Britain, is a clear tax to Britain.
"II. We are obliged to carry our produce to Britain! All that it sells for less there than it would in any other market, is a clear tax to Britain.
"III. All the manufactures that we could make, but are forbidden and must buy of British merchants, is a clear tax to Britain.