To this cause also may be attributed in a great measure the existence (at least to the present extent) of slavery, for that religion not only gives an apparently divine authority to the practice, but instils into the minds of its proselytes a conviction or belief, that all who are not or will not become Mohamedans were intended by Providence and their Prophet to be the slaves and property of those who do. It is much to be regretted that those valuable and indefatigable friends of Africa who have been for years labouring towards civilization on the coast, where much has been done by the pious labours and example of the missionaries from the Church and other Societies, are so circumstanced, from the many difficulties which the climate itself presents and the rapid spread of the Mohamedan faith, that they are unable to penetrate beyond the influence of our settlements on the coast, and consequently excluded from all possibility (for the present at least) of giving those misguided people an opportunity of judging for themselves between the secure and happy state of those whom the exertions of an enlightened country and the influence of the Christian religion have redeemed from slavery and ignorance, and the miserably precarious and blind condition to which they are themselves subjected.

Having thus far stated the difficulties which have hitherto impeded, and are still likely to impede our researches in, and our civilization of Western Africa, it may not be considered as adventuring too much if I place before my readers a few suggestions, which, if acted upon, may have a tendency to diminish, if not to overcome them altogether.

I have adverted amongst others to the difficulty originating in the fears which were entertained in consequence of the transactions on the Senegal, but on that the remedy is obviously one to be administered by the healing hand of time. The native chiefs had long received presents which were originally granted for the accommodation and security they afforded to the European and Senegal merchants who traded with them. In the progress of time, however, those voluntary presents were not only demanded as a right, but when refused (which was only the case where a breach of faith on their part was committed), were enforced by the prohibition of further commercial intercourse, and this generally terminated in a compliance with their demand. This peaceable, and even almost necessary mode of conciliation, at the period I speak of, was afterwards continued as a matter of course. The arrogance of the native chief was pampered by the yielding, and his cupidity was fed by the necessity of doing so. And the evil did not rest here, for as we conceded they advanced fresh claims, which, even when admitted, afforded no certainty that their promises with us would be fulfilled.

Immediately after our cession of that colony, the French authorities there decided on convincing those people, that, although they were willing, in a great degree, to submit to the custom which had so long existed, yet, that they would not quietly bear the obstructions thrown in the way of their commercial pursuits upon the Upper Senegal; and prepared to meet force by force, which was eventually rendered necessary by the hostile threats and actions of the natives. Time, and time alone, can afford to those natives a proof that the resistance forced upon the French was not an act of disrespect to them, or of a disposition to invade their just pretensions or their rights; but intended to shew them that the benefits of commerce should be mutual, and that a present, unrefused as such, should not be converted into a right, to be enforced for the future by prohibitions or by arms.

Another remedy at once presents itself to the mind, but, unfortunately, that is a remedy which cannot, I fear, be speedily administered, much less easily obtained; I allude to the general concurrence of Europe in the abolition of slavery. England, however, does not come in for any share of blame on this eventful subject: every thing has been done by her which eloquence, treasure, influence, humanity, or religion could unite in favour of so desirable a consummation. It is to be hoped that her example will, sooner or later, induce the other powers of Europe to imitate it, in which event the most incalculable advantages would result to the suffering negroes of Africa. It would be, perhaps, unbecoming in me to press this important topic to an extremity; the wisest men as statesmen, and the minutest calculators as political economists, all concur in stating the general abolition of slavery (placing all humanity and religion out of the question) to be a general good. After the expression of such a very extensive and honourable feeling, it is matter of regret that some of the powers of Europe cannot be induced to aid in the great work which England had the honour of commencing, and completing as far as she was concerned. It is a heart-rending reflection that mistaken views of interest, or the calls of avaricious clamour, should not only take precedence of, but actually absorb all the obligations of good feeling, and all the commands of the Most High. But we are to hope a new light may break in upon the councils of those who are, perhaps, only mistaken, or who, from some over-ruling necessity, are obliged to tolerate a traffic at which not only our nature revolts, but which no one has of late years had the hardihood to attempt a shadow of justification.

I am persuaded that a mode of disposal of some of the liberated negroes similar to that which I adopted in the case of Corporal Harrup, would be attended with the most beneficial results to Africa and the Mother Country; to the former, by affording them a strong proof of our good intentions towards them, and to the latter, by extending our commercial intercourse by means of these people; who would unquestionably, not only revisit our settlements themselves, but would induce many of their fellow countrymen to accompany them. I am, however, aware that many difficulties present themselves to the accomplishment of such a step: first, from the almost impossibility of ascertaining whether the person so disposed of belonged to a free family, for few of them will acknowledge the fact of their having been born in slavery; and secondly, from the very limited intercourse between our colonies and the remote states of the interior, whence those unfortunate beings were dragged into slavery; and during their return whether they would, on most occasions, be exposed to a second, and, if possible, a worse state of bondage. The latter difficulty, however, is daily decreasing before the persevering endeavours of Africa’s friends in this country, under the immediate and personal direction of an active governor, who, in holding out every inducement to the chiefs and people in the vicinity of our colonies to keep up a direct and friendly intercourse with our commercial agents, is adopting a plan likely to be attended with the most salutary results[37].

The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs has already obtained that notice which it required, and to obviate them, it has occurred to me there are no means more available, and, I may add, more speedily practicable, than the enlargement of our intercourse with the people, and the encouragement and protection of the internal commerce of Africa. By this we can improve them in the way of example, by the other we can benefit them and ourselves in the way of interchange of commodity; our habits and our manners will gain upon them in time, and our skill tend to stimulate and encourage theirs.

By increasing their commerce we also obtain another happy consummation, we give them employment, and we consequently to a certain extent, secure them from the incessant meddling of their maraboos. We could congregate them in greater numbers together, and therefore the more readily instruct them; and I may venture to add, that, if a fair degree of zeal were used in such a delightful employment, within a very few years they would prove themselves not unfitted for the enjoyment of liberal institutions. When once a people feel their moral power improving it is not difficult to give it a degree of perfection, and when once the chief found his former slave so far lifted in the scale of being, as to have some notion of the place and duties assigned him here, it would not be easy for him to continue his sway without limit or controul. While, however, the negro dreams of nothing beyond a mere animal support, he is admirably calculated for a slave; but give him an insight into something higher—teach him an art or a trade, in the exercise of which he finds comfort necessary to himself, and comfort flowing from such an exercise to others; place him in this situation, and without revolting against the authority of his chief, he will still feel that he is not singled out to remain the unpitied and the worthless slave. That there are powers of mind in the African, it were quite idle to dispute; that the productions of the country are capable of being beneficially employed, must, I think, be equally incontestible to any one who has carefully perused the preceding pages; and to act with honesty we should not allow both or either to lie for ever dormant. Common charity, much less common interest, forbids so unworthy a course, and, in truth, I cannot have the slightest suspicion that it ever was contemplated.

Upon this important branch of my subject I might descant to a very considerable extent, but that, fortunately, its magnitude is so thoroughly felt as to spare me the labour on this occasion: let me however look at the advantages of this increased commerce in any point of view, with all the difficulties which rather appear, than really do exist to impede it, I am fully convinced that to it Africa will be at last mainly indebted for any social and political enjoyments to which she may attain.

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