Besides the actual fragments of the second edition, many indications of its contents are preserved in the work of Augustine entitled Contra Academicos, which, though written in support of dogmatic opinions, imitated throughout the second edition of the Academica of Cic. No writings of the Classical period had so great an influence on the culture and opinions of Augustine as the Academica and the lost Hortensius. I give, partly from Krische, the scattered indications of the contents of the former which are to be gathered from the bishop's works. In Aug. Contr. Ac. II. 14, 15, we have what appears to be a summary of the lost part of Book I. to the following effect. The New Academy must not be regarded as having revolted against the Old, all that it did was to discuss that new doctrine of καταληψις advanced by Zeno. The doctrine of ακαταληψια though present to the minds of the ancients had never taken distinct shape, because it had met with no opposition. The Old Academy was rather enriched than attacked by the New. Antiochus, in adopting Stoicism under the name of the Old Academy, made it appear that there was a strife between it and the New. With Antiochus the historical exposition of Cic. must have ended. From this portion of the first book, Aug. derived his opinion (Contra. Ac. II. 1) that New Academicism was excusable from the necessities of the age in which it appeared. Indications of Book II. in Aug. are scarce, but to it I refer Contra. Ac. I. 7 placuit Ciceroni nostro beatum esse qui verum investigat etiam si ad eius inventionem non valeat pervenire, also ibid. III. 10 illis (Academicis) placuit esse posse hominem sapientem, et tamen in hominem scientiam cadere non posse. These I refer to Cicero's development of the probabile in Book II., although I ought to say that Krische, p. 65, maintains that the substance of Catulus' exposition in the Ac. Priora transferred to Book IV. of the Ac. Posteriora. As this would leave very meagre material for Book II., nothing indeed excepting the provisional proof of the deceptiveness of the senses, I cannot accede to his arrangement; mine, I may remark, involves a much smaller departure from the first edition. Allusions in Aug. to the attack on the senses by Cic. in Book II. are difficult to fix, as they apply equally well to the later attack in Book IV. As to Books III. and IV., I do not think it necessary here to prove from Aug. the points of agreement between them and the Lucullus, which will find a better place in my notes on the latter, but merely give the divergences which appear from other sources. These are the translation of σοφισματα by cavillationes in Luc. [75] (Seneca Ep. III.), and the insertion in [118] of essentia as a translation of ουσια.
BOOK II.
ENTITLED LUCULLUS.
[§§1]—[12]. Summary. Lucullus, though an able and cultivated man, was absent from Rome on public service too long during his earlier years to attain to glory in the forum ([1]). He unexpectedly proved a great general. This was due to his untiring study and his marvellous memory ([2]). He had to wait long for the reward of his merits as a commander and civil administrator, and was allowed no triumph till just before my consulship. What I owed to him in those troublous times I cannot now tell ([3]). He was not merely a general; he was also a philosopher, having learned much from Antiochus and read much for himself ([4]). Those enemies of Greek culture who think a Roman noble ought not to know philosophy, must be referred to the examples of Cato and Africanus ([5]). Others think that famous men should not be introduced into dialogues of the kind. Are they then, when they meet, to be silent or to talk about trifles? I, in applying myself to philosophy, have neglected no public duty, nor do I think the fame of illustrious citizens diminished, but enriched, by a reputation for philosophical knowledge ([6]). Those who hold that the interlocutors in these dialogues had no such knowledge show that they can make their envy reach beyond the grave. Some critics do not approve the particular philosophy which I follow—the Academic. This is natural, but they must know that Academicism puts no stop to inquiry ([7]). My school is free from the fetters of dogma; other schools are enslaved to authority ([8]). The dogmatists say they bow to the authority of the wise man. How can they find out the wise man without hearing all opinions? This subject was discussed by myself, Catulus, Lucullus, and Hortensius, the day after the discussion reported in the Catulus ([9]). Catulus called on Lucullus to defend the doctrines of Antiochus. This Lucullus believed himself able to do, although the doctrines had suffered in the discussion of the day before ([10]). He spoke thus: At Alexandria I heard discussions between Heraclitus Tyrius the pupil of Clitomachus and Philo, and Antiochus. At that very time the books mentioned by Catulus yesterday came into the hands of Antiochus, who was so angry that he wrote a book against his old teacher ([11] and [12]). I will now give the substance of the disputes between Heraclitus and Antiochus, omitting the remarks made by the latter against Philo ([12]).
[§1]. Luculli: see Introd. p. [58], and Dict. Biog. Digna homini nobili: a good deal of learning would have been considered unworthy of a man like Lucullus, see Introd. p. [30]. Percepta: "gained," "won;" cf. percipere fruges, "to reap," Cat. Mai. 24. Caruit: "was cut off from;" carere comes from a root skar meaning to divide, see Corss. I. 403. For the three nouns with a singular verb see Madv. Gram. 213 A, who confines the usage to nouns denoting things and impersonal ideas. If the common reading dissensit in De Or. III. 68 is right, the restriction does not hold. Admodum: "to a degree." Fratre: this brother was adopted by a M. Terentius Varro, and was a man of distinction also; see Dict. Biog. Magna cum gloria: a ref. to Dict. Biog. will show that the whole affair was discreditable to the father; to our notions, the sons would have gained greater glory by letting it drop. Quaestor: to Sulla, who employed him chiefly in the civil administration of Asia. Continuo: without any interval. Legis praemio: this seems to mean "by the favour of a special law," passed of course by Sulla, who had restored the old lex annalis in all its rigour, and yet excepted his own officers from its operation. Prooemio, which has been proposed, would not be Latin, see De Leg. II. 16. Consulatum: he seems to have been absent during the years 84—74, in the East. Superiorum: scarcely that of Sulla.
[§2]. Laus: "merit," as often, so praemium, Virg. Aen. XII. 437, means a deed worthy of reward. Non admodum exspectabatur: Cic. forgets that Luc. had served with distinction in the Social War and the first Mithridatic war. In Asia pace: three good MSS. have Asiae; Baiter ejects Asia; Guilelmus read in Asia in pace (which Davies conjectures, though he prints Asiae). Consumere followed by an ablative without in is excessively rare in Cic. Madv. D.F. V. 53 denies the use altogether. In addition, however, to our passage, I note hoc loco consumitur in T.D. IV. 23, where Baiter's two texts (1861 and 1863) give no variants. Pace here perhaps ought to be taken adverbially, like tranqullo. Indocilem: this is simply passive, = "untaught," as in Prop. I. 2, 12, Ov. Fast. III. 119 (the last qu. by Dav.). Forc. s.v. is wrong in making it active. Factus: = perfectus; cf. Hor. Sat. I. 5, 33 homo factus ad unguem, Cic. De Or. III. 184, In Verr. IV. 126. So effectus in silver Latin. Rebus gestis: military history, so often. Divinam quandam memoriam: the same phrase in De Or. II. 360. Rerum, verborum: same distinction in De Or. II. 359. Oblivisci se malle: the same story is told D.F. II. 104, De Or. II. 299. The ancient art of memory was begun by Simonides (who is the person denoted here by cuidam) and completed by Metrodorus of Scepsis, for whom see De Or. II. 360. Consignamus: cf. consignatae in animis notiones in T.D. I. 57. litteris must be an ablative of the instrument. Mandare monum.: cf. I. [3]. Insculptas: rare in the metaphorical use, cf. N.D. I. 45.
[§3]. Genere: "department" cf. I. [3]. Navalibus pugnis: ναυμαχιαις. Instrumento et adparatu: κατασκευη και παρασκευη. Rex: Mithridates. Quos legisset: = de quibus l.; cf. the use of the passive verb so common in Ovid, e.g. Trist. IV. 4, 14. I take of course rex to be nom. to legisset, the suggestion of a friend that Lucullus is nom. and that quos legisset = quorum commentarios legisset I think improbable. Hodie: Drakenborch on Livy V. 27 wants to read hodieque, which however, is not Ciceronian. In passages like De Or. I. 103 and Verr. V. 64, the que connects clauses and does not modify hodie. On this subject see Madv. Opuscula I. 390. Etsi: M.D.F. V. 68, shows that in Cic. a parenthetic clause with etsi always has a common verb with its principal clause; a rule not observed by the silver writers. The same holds of quamquam, see n. on I. [5]. Calumnia: properly a fraudulent use of litigation, συκοφαντια. The chief enemy was the infamous Memmius who prosecuted him. In urbem: until his triumph Luc. would remain outside the city. Profuisset: this ought properly to be profuerit, but the conditional dicerem changes it. Potius ... quam ... communicem: n. on [23].
[§4]. Sunt ... celebrata: cf. I. [11], [17] for the collocation of the words. Externa ... interiora: cf. De Div. II. 124 sed haec quoque in promptu, nunc interiora videamus. Pro quaestore: for this Faber wrote quaestor, arguing that as Luc. was Sulla's quaestor and Sulla sent him to Egypt, he could not be pro quaestor. But surely after the first year he would be pro quaestor. Dav. reads quaestor here and [11], saying "veterem lectionem iugulavit Faber". Ea memoria ... quam: Bentl., Halm, Baiter give qua, Halm refers to Bentl. on Hor. Sat. I. 6, 15. A passage like ours is D.F. I. 29, ista sis aequitate, quam ostendis, where one MS. has qua. Read Madvig's lucid note there. De quibus audiebat: Madv. Em. 121 makes this equivalent to de eis rebus de quibus, the necessity of which explanation, though approved by Halm, I fail to see. The form of expression is very common in Cic., and the relative always refers to an actually expressed antecedent, cf. e.g. Cat. Mai. 83. I take quibus as simply = libris.
[§5]. Ac: strong, as often, = και μην. Personarum: public characters, προσωπων πολεως (Ad. Fam. XV. 17, 2), so personas [6]. Multi ... plures: cf. Introd. p. [30]. Reliqui: many MSS. insert qui by dittographia, as I think, though Halm, as well as Bait., retains it. On the retention or omission of this qui will depend the choice of putant or putent below. Earum rerum disputationem: for disp. followed by genitive see n. on I. [33]. Non ita decoram: for this feeling see Introd. p. [30]. For non ita cf. the Lowland Scottish "no just sae". Historiae loquantur: hist. means in Cic. rather "memoirs" than "history," which is better expressed by res gestae. Note that the verb loqui not dicere is used, and cf. n. on [101]. Legatione: to the kings in Egypt and the East in alliance with Rome. The censorship was in 199 B.C. About the embassy see Dict. Biogr. art. 'Panactius'. Auctorem: one would think this simple and sound enough, Bentl. however read fautorem, Dav. auditorem.