On the 24th, about four o'clock, came a messenger from Q. Fufius bringing some sort of a note from him, begging me to make it up with him. A very silly letter as usual, unless one thinks that everything one does not like is very silly. I sent an answer of which I think you would approve. The messenger delivered two of your letters, one of the 22nd, the other of the 23rd. I answer the later and fuller one first. I approve.[[239]] Why, if even Carfulenus deserts him, it will be the end of the world[[240]] for him. Antony's plans, as you describe them, are revolutionary. And I only hope he will try to get his way through the people and not through the Senate, which I think is probable. But to me his whole policy seems to point to war, since D. Brutus is being robbed of his province. Whatever I may think of Brutus' resources, I don't think that can happen without war. But I don't want war, since the Buthrotians are all right as it is. You may smile: but I am sorry it was not rather accomplished by my persistence, diligence, and influence. You say you don't know what our friends are to do: that difficulty has been bothering me for a long time. So now I see it was folly to be consoled by the Ides of March: for though our courage was that of men, believe me we had no more sense than children. We have only cut down the tree, not rooted it up. So you see how it is shooting out.
[239]. Presumably of the action of the Martian legion, which was reported to have deserted Antony and joined Octavius. Carfulenus, mentioned in the next sentence, was an officer in that legion.
[240]. A quotation from Euripides, Medea, 409:—
ἄνω ποταμῶν ἱερῶν χωροῦσι παγαί,
καὶ δίκα καὶ πάντα πάλιν στρέφεται,
which had apparently passed into a proverb.
306saepe usurpas, ad Tusculanas disputationes. Saufeium de te celemus; ego numquam indicabo. Quod te a Bruto scribis, ut certior fieret, quo die in Tusculanum essem venturus, ut ad te ante scripsi, VI Kal., et quidem ibi te quam primum per videre velim. Puto enim nobis Lanuvium eundum et quidem non sine multo sermone. Sed μελήσει.
Redeo ad superiorem. Ex qua praetereo illa prima de Buthrotiis; quae mihi sunt inclusa medullis, sit modo, ut scribis, locus agendi. De oratione Bruti prorsus contendis, cum iterum tam multis verbis agis. Egone ut eam causam, quam is scripsit? ego scribam non rogatus ab eo? Nulla παρεγχείρησις fieri potest contumeliosior. "At," inquis, "Ἡρακλείδειον aliquod." Non recuso id quidem, sed et componendum argumentum est et scribendi exspectandum tempus maturius. Licet enim de me, ut libet, existimes (velim quidem quam optime), si haec ita manant, ut videntur (feres, quod dicam), me Idus Martiae non delectant. Ille enim numquam revertisset, nos timor confirmare eius acta non coëgisset, aut, ut in Saufei eam relinquamque Tusculanas disputationes, ad quas tu etiam Vestorium hortaris, ita gratiosi eramus apud illum, quem di mortuum perduint! ut nostrae aetati,
Let us return, then, to the Tusculan Disputations, since you often refer to them. Let us keep your secret from Saufeius:[[241]] I will never betray it. You send a message from Brutus, asking me to let him know when I shall reach Tusculum. On the 27th, as I told you before; and I should very much like to see you there as soon as possible. For I think we shall have to go to Lanuvium,[[242]] and that not without a lot of talk. However, I will see to it.
[241]. Atticus and Saufeius both professed the Epicurean philosophy, which was attacked in the first book of the Tusculan Disputations. The "secret" is Atticus' lapse from Epicureanism in approving of the views expressed in that book.