Thoughts on the mechanism of societies

by marquis de Charles Casaux

13thly,

If, on the contrary, it be true, as I maintain it to be, that after the peace, when a perfect equilibrium is restored to every thing, the 9 or 10 millions interest of the national debt, has no other effect but that of adding to every thing a nominal value which injures no one, though it may be advantageous to many; a nominal value, which, in every state, proportions itself, first to the sum of its revenue compared to that of its debt, and soon after to the difference which the debt contracted by the nation called the most loaded, and which, in fact, is only the greatest exporter, has produced in that enormous quantity of the goods she exports;—if it appear more reasonable to adopt that idea, than to give up a trade, which, without that very idea, would prove the most absurd, as well as the most destructive that human genius could invent, (the alternative seems to be forcibly established);—in this case the regret will be heart-felt, when we consider the loss of men sacrificed during the last war: but if from this general aggregate of truths little suspected, and much less reflected upon, there should result a system of Politics in Europe, of Administration in her different States, of Government in her Colonies, which should procure to Europe, at the least expence, the greatest exportation of that of which she has a superabundance, and the greatest importation of that in which she is deficient ... then indeed, then, might we find consolation for the evil, in adverting to its consequences.—And, upon this principle, what can England have suffered by losing her sovereignty over America?

14thly,

The contagion of example has been apprehended. Let us suppose the fact. What then would be the loss sustained by Europe? None, I believe, unless the consequence of the general independency of the colonies, should be that they would give up European commodities they have been used to, and which they can so readily procure by means of a multitude of other articles, which would be of no value to them were they not calculated to procure them those European commodities which they are in the habit of consuming.—But I beg leave to ask, what purpose could their independence answer?—It appears to me, they could not think of it without a palpable folly; and that it is impossible they should think of it, without that kind of vexation which brings a man to the necessity of choosing between two extremes.—Another consideration, which tends to make Europe easy, at least in regard to the colonies situated beyond the tropic, is, that no rivalship can subsist between them and their mother-countries in any thing that concerns the soil and industry.

In regard to the productions of the soil, all that part of America inclosed within even the 30th degree of north, and the 30th degree of south latitude, could not yield, without double and treble expence, any thing that can be produced in Europe, and in the other part of America, from the 30th degree to the pole. And, on the other hand, at what an amazing expence must all Europe, jointly with that part of America now independent, produce, even in a kind of degradation, what the other part of America yields naturally in the most perfect state!

In regard to industry, can it be feared that the South Americans, even supposing them independent, should be tempted to import rough materials from Europe, in order to have them wrought by American hands, which are so naturally and so profitably employed in the production of American articles? Is it even to be feared that they should aim at a competition with the Europeans in the exportation of American articles, when they are in need of ship-timber, or rather when in this, much more than in any other respects, there is no European work, which, if done in America, would not cost three times as much as when imported from Europe?—All European prejudices, relative to commerce, are founded on the following principle, which may be looked upon as the quintessence of the Navigation-Act:—To do every thing ourselves, in order that no one’s assistance may be wanted,—that no one may do without our assistance,—and that no assistance be given, but at the prices prescribed by the Lords of the Seas.—The Navigation-Act was, without doubt, the last effort of the human mind about the middle of the 17th century[11].

It seems to me, that the only point which essentially concerns all Europe, in regard to other parts of the world, where she can give law, would be to find out what kind of Administration would be the best calculated to increase in all those parts the consumption of European goods, and to procure to herself a more considerable stock of foreign goods and products,—which would, as they have ever done, give, either directly or indirectly, a fresh encouragement to her agriculture and manufactures. Let any one examine, whether the utility of the colonies be not strictly confined to this single point.

I speak of all Europe, it is true, as if she formed but one State, whilst she is supposed to exhibit so many interests, and these so very opposite to each other. This question deserves a deeper discussion than I am able to give it; yet I presume to think that the answer I could give, might be susceptible of demonstration, had we, on all the countries in Europe, statements only similar to those which Sir Charles Whitworth has given of the British trade, and were we to add thereto the means and faculties which are to be met with in England of procuring the details and proofs of every particular that concerns the public. Destitute however of an advantage so precious, so worthy of a nation sufficiently enlightened to dread nothing but being left in the dark on any part of her own interests, of a nation judicious enough not to disdain a ray of light, from whatever quarter it may come, and generous enough to perceive, with pleasure, that by enriching herself, she has, to this day, enriched all Europe;—

If it were admitted, that money is only the representation of value; that multiplying the sign, without multiplying the articles which it is calculated to represent, is debasing fruitlessly the representation; and that, on the contrary, multiplying the article is the most infallible means of attracting the sign and keeping it up to its value: