It was felt by all those who favoured the match that the Spanish ambassadors in London and Vienna might have been more cordial in their support of it than they were; and both the Queen and Sussex were for ever trying to get at Philip’s real desires in the matter. With the papers now before us, we see that if the Emperor was to be induced to give way on the question of religion, and England was to remain Protestant, the marriage would injure rather than benefit Philip’s plans; whilst a thoroughly Catholic match, by which Elizabeth would have submitted to the Pope, would have cut the ground from under her feet and made her the humble servant of Spain. This she knew better than any one, and however much Philip may have again deceived himself in the matter, there was never a shadow of a chance of such a match being made by her or consented to by her wisest councillors. Upon this rock the matrimonial hopes of the Archduke again split. Sussex remained with the Emperor until February, 1568, probably the only prominent English statesman who was sincere or honest in the negotiations, but was at last himself undeceived, and begged for his recall in deep disappointment and resentment against Leicester and his party, upon whom he laid the blame of the failure of his mission. A decent pretence was assumed on both sides that the project was still pending; and the Emperor was invested with the Garter with great pomp; but the matter was practically at an end on the departure of Sussex from Vienna: not altogether to Philip’s displeasure, as he had lost all belief in the Queen’s matrimonial professions, and was daily becoming more convinced of the impossibility of her humbling herself to the extent of accepting the Catholic conditions by which alone a marriage with his kinsman would be advantageous to him. Elizabeth, too, was in a better position now than she had been to drop the hollow negotiations, since the civil war in France, and Philip’s own difficulties in the Netherlands and the South of Europe, secured her from present danger from either power, whilst the standing menace of Scotland had disappeared for the first time for years, as Mary was a prisoner with a cloud of doubt and disgrace hanging over her head.
Under these circumstances Elizabeth could rest somewhat from the long comedy of mystification about her matrimonial affairs, continuing, however, to keep her hand in by dallying with Leicester and occasionally smiling upon Heneage. An attempt was made nearly three years later, in December, 1570, to revive the negotiations for the Archduke’s match by sending young Henry Cobham to the Emperor; but the device had at last grown too stale to deceive, and a cold refusal to entertain the matter was given, much to the indignation of Elizabeth, who now found that both her royal suitors had deserted her, Charles IX. having recently married a daughter of the Emperor.
CHAPTER V.
Marriage with the Duke of Anjou suggested—Guido Cavalcanti and La Mothe’s negotiations—Walsingham’s description of Anjou—Anjou’s religious scruples—His objections overcome—Lord Buckhurst’s mission to Paris—Anjou’s conditions—Religious difficulties—The Ridolfi plot—Anjou obstinate again—Smith’s mission to France—Marriage with the Duke of Alençon suggested—Great disparity of age.
The treaty of St. Germain between Charles IX. and the Huguenots, signed in August, 1570, brought to an end the long civil war in France. It had for some time been a favourite project of the Guises and the Catholic party in France to rescue Mary of Scotland by force, with the help of the Pope, marry her to the Duke of Anjou, and place her on the throne of England. Charles IX. was bitterly jealous of his brother Anjou, the hope of the Catholic league, and was desirous of providing for him somewhere out of France. Such a proposal, therefore, as that made for his union with Mary Stuart, met with some countenance from the King and his mother. Elizabeth and her ministers were not aware to what extent support would be given by Spain to such a project, which, whilst on the one hand strengthening the league, would on the other have given the French a footing in Great Britain; but with France at peace Elizabeth was always apprehensive, and a counter-move had to be made. The two great Huguenot nobles who had resided in England during the war, the Vidame de Chartres and Cardinal Chatillon—Coligny’s brother—were permitted to re-enter France by the peace of St. Germain; and to them and their party it appeared a desirable thing to disarm the weak, fanatical Catholic figurehead Anjou by yoking him, under their auspices, to strong-minded Protestant Elizabeth, and so remove him from active interference in French politics. Such a proposal, moreover, was a welcome one to Elizabeth and her friends, because it effectually checkmated the intrigues of the Guises and the league in favour of Mary Stuart, which for the moment were founded on the suggested marriage of the latter with Anjou. In the autumn of 1570, therefore, both Chatillon and Chartres, before they left England, separately broached the idea. Before doing so, however, Chartres wrote asking the opinion of Marshal Montmorenci, and Chatillon sought guidance direct from the Queen-mother. The replies apparently being favourable Chartres mentioned the matter to Cecil, who discussed it privately with the Queen, whilst at the end of November Chatillon opened his approach by asking the new French ambassador, La Mothe Fénélon, how Anjou’s suit with the Princess of Portugal was prospering, as he had reason to believe that if the Duke became a suitor for the Queen of England’s hand he would be welcomed. La Mothe, who doubtless had already received his instructions from France, replied that he had always understood that the Queen had no intention of marrying, but if she would accept the Duke for her consort greater peace and tranquillity to France and the world would result than from anything else. He promised to write to the Queen-mother on the subject, which he did at once.[51] But Catharine always preferred to negotiate through one of the many crafty Florentines who were personally devoted to her, rather than through the leaders of either French political party, so an excuse was invented for sending her trusty Guido Cavalcanti to England. La Mothe was ill when Guido arrived in London, and the latter called to ask after his convalescence. In conversation with the ambassador he mentioned Elizabeth’s great indignation at the rebuff she had received through young Cobham from the Archduke Charles, who, to make matters worse, had since married a Bavarian princess. He then asked the ambassador whether he thought this would not be a good opportunity to bring Anjou forward. La Mothe’s reply being favourable, Cavalcanti next approached Leicester, who was equally encouraging, and promised to revert to the subject when he returned from Hampton Court, whither he was then going to see the Queen. When La Mothe was told this by Cavalcanti, he thought it time to assert himself as the accredited ambassador, and at once went to Hampton Court personally. Before seeing the Queen he visited Leicester, and hinted that approaches had been made to him for a marriage between the Queen and Anjou, but as Leicester was regarded by the French as their best friend, he, the ambassador, had decided to carry the matter no further without his co-operation, so that he might have the credit of the negotiation. Leicester replied that he was always against an Austrian alliance, and as the Queen was determined not to marry a subject, he would sacrifice his own chance in favour of Anjou’s suit. The matter, he said, could be discussed fully when the Court returned to London, but in the meanwhile it would be well for La Mothe to say a word or two to the Queen about it. When Leicester introduced him into the presence, Elizabeth was awaiting him in her smartest clothes. After the usual coy fencing she said she was growing old, and but for the idea of leaving heirs, would be ashamed to speak about marriage, as she was one of those women whom men seek for their possessions and not for their persons. The princes of the house of France, she said, had the reputation of being good husbands, and to pay all honour to their wives, but not to love them. This was enough for the present, and La Mothe sent off post-haste to Catharine a full account of the interview, with no great confidence, as he said, of a successful termination of the affair; but the chance was so great a one that it should not be missed, and the Duke of Anjou should be carefully prepared. Catharine replied in the same strain. She had considered, she said, that this might be one of Elizabeth’s intrigues with the intention of prolonging the negotiations and making use of the French in the meanwhile, and if the Queen of England had a daughter or heiress she would be a more fitting match for Anjou than the Queen herself. But still he (La Mothe) was to keep the matter alive on every opportunity, and push it forward as if of his own action. Catharine urged La Mothe that the greatest secrecy should be observed, but Elizabeth could not refrain from gossiping about it, and it soon became common talk, much to the annoyance of La Mothe, who blamed the indiscretion of Chartres and Chatillon, who blamed each other. In conversation with the ambassador Elizabeth appeared entirely favourable to the match, but objected that although Anjou had reached manhood—he was just twenty—he was still much younger than she. “So much the better for your Majesty,” replied he, laughingly. On another occasion he extolled the happiness of his young King Charles IX. with his bride, and advised all princesses in search of happy matrimony to mate with princes of the house of France. The Queen thereupon cited some rather conspicuous instances to the contrary, and said that it would not satisfy her to be honoured as a Queen, she must be loved for herself; and La Mothe duly gave the expected gallant reply. Chatillon was then announced and the ambassador retired. The Cardinal put the question point blank—would she accept the Duke if he proposed? To which she replied that on certain conditions she would. To his request that she would at once submit the proposal to the Council she at first demured, but the next day she did so.[52] “One of the members only said that the Duke would be rather young, and that it would be well to consider deeply before they broke entirely with the house of Burgundy. The other members were silent, surprised to see her so set upon this marriage, which they have hitherto thought was merely a fiction. The Earl of Leicester is greatly dismayed at having been the instigator of it, but the Cardinal promises him grand estate and honours, and says he shall go to France to conclude it. The fickleness of the Queen makes it impossible to say whether the marriage will go forward or not. She has assured the Cardinal that she is free from any pledge elsewhere, and that she is determined to marry a prince and not a subject, whilst she has a good opinion of the character of Anjou.”[53] This was in the third week of January, 1571; and on the 31st of the month La Mothe was entertained at a grand banquet, where he was seated next to the Queen. She was as usual sentimental, and afraid that she would not be loved for herself alone, but the ambassador assured her that the Prince would both love and honour her, and would in due time make her the mother of a fine boy. This being an aspect of the case upon which she liked to dwell, the Queen became more talkative but pledged herself no further. She was indeed so full of the subject that she could speak of nothing else. She consulted Lady Clinton and Lady Cobham, she discussed it with her other ladies, and the Court was filled with feminine tittle-tattle about Anjou’s personal charms and supposed gallantries. With regard to the latter we may reserve our opinion; but of the former we are in good position to judge from contemporary portraits and descriptions of him. When the match had begun to look serious Walsingham was sent as ambassador to France, and before he went he had a long conversation with Leicester in his closet at Hampton Court, when the Earl asked him to send a description of the Prince to him as soon as possible after his arrival. On the 16th of January Leicester wrote to ask him for this description, and was evidently even then not very enthusiastic for the match. “I confesse our estate requireth a match, but God send us a good one and meet for all parties.”
Walsingham, replying on the 28th, says he has had a good opportunity of seeing the prince, and describes him as being three inches taller than himself (Walsingham), somewhat sallow, “his body verie good shape, his legs long and thin but reasonably well proportioned. What helps he had to supply any defects of nature I know not. Touching the health of his person I find the opinion diverse and I know not what to credit, but for my part I forbeare to be over curious in the search thereof, for divers respects. If all be as well as outwardly it showeth he is of bodie sound enough. And yet at this present I do not find him so well coloured as when I was last here.”[54] He goes on to describe him as being haughty at first approach, but really more affable than either of his brothers. It will be seen that Walsingham, Puritan and ally of Leicester, was not very favourable to the match, and he was indeed regarded as opposed to it in the French Court.