Smith had his first audience with the Queen-mother on the 6th of January. The King and the rest of them, he says, were busy dancing, when the Queen-mother took him apart into her chamber and opened the colloquy by saying that the only obstacle to the match was still the question of religion, as Anjou was so bigoted as to think that he would be damned if he yielded the point. Smith then asked whether, in the event of Elizabeth giving way on this, the match would be carried through. “Well,” replied Catharine, “that is the principal point, but still there are other questions which will have to be settled touching the honour and dignity of the Prince. Yet she assured the English envoy there was nothing they ever desired so much in their lives as the marriage, and they had not the slightest desire to break off. To this Smith replied that if they did want to break off the religious question would be the most honourable point of difference. Catharine assured him again of their sincerity, but deplored that Anjou was so “assotted.” What more can he desire, asked Smith, than that which the Queen was now willing to concede; namely, that he should have free exercise of his religion, “only excepting such parts of the mass as were against God’s words”? If he did not have full mass he thought he would inevitably be damned, said Catharine. The English envoy only gave way step by step. Suppose, he asked, the Duke were allowed to hear private mass in his own little chapel, would that do for him? No, replied the Queen-mother, he must have full, open, public mass; he was so devout that he heard three or four masses a day, and fasted so rigidly at Lent that “he began to look lean and evil-coloured,” whereupon, she said, she was angry with him, and told him she would rather he were a Huguenot than thus hurt his health. No, she continued, he will not have mass in a corner, but “with all the ceremonies of the Romish Church, with priests and singers and the rest.” “Why, Madame,” quoth Smith, “then he may require also the four orders of friars, monks, canons, pilgrimages, pardons, oil, cream, relics, and all such trumperies—that in nowise could be agreed to.” He told Catharine of the cruel persecutions in England in the time of Mary, and the present disaffection of the English Catholics, “all of whom had their hands in the pasty of the late treason,” and pointed out the danger of allowing them again to raise head in England. This touched the Queen of England’s extremity, and Catharine diplomatically added fuel to the fire by saying that Alba had hired two Italian assassins to murder Elizabeth. Killigrew interposed here, thinking perhaps that Smith had made a faux pas, and said that the same party had not scrupled to use their arts against Catharine’s own blood, and hinted that the flower of her flock, the beautiful Elizabeth of Valois, Philip’s third wife, had been sacrificed by them. But Killigrew’s French was weak, and instead of saying “Votre fille perdue,” he said “Votre fille perdrie,” which made the Queen-mother laugh whilst her eyes filled with tears at the thought of her gentle daughter lying dead in the convent of barefooted Carmelites in far-away Madrid. At this point de Foix was summoned to the conference, and Smith called him to witness that whereas the Queen of England had always refused to concede the exercise of the mass at all, the Queen-mother now demanded “high mass, with all the public ceremonies of the Church, with priest, deacon, sub-deacon, chalice, altar, bells, candlesticks, paten, singing-men, the four mendicant orders, and all the thousand devils.”[69] They laughed at Smith’s vehemence, but they understood as well as he the dire straits in which his mistress was, and stood firm. The next day de Foix and the Bishop of Limoges had another conversation with the English envoys, whom they told that Anjou “would nothing relent,” and that the King was very angry with him for his obstinacy. Smith said he would rather die than lead his Queen to consent; whereupon de Foix appears to have hinted again at Alençon, of an alliance without a marriage, but of this Smith would say nothing, and closed the interview. As a matter of fact Elizabeth was deeply mortified at the cool dilatoriness with which her advances were being received. It was almost a new experience for her. Hitherto, with one exception, she had only had to soften somewhat to bring her suitor to her feet again, but now Anjou was openly scorning her and his mother and brother receding as the English Queen advanced. It was mainly a game of brag on the part of Catharine, who was really as anxious as Elizabeth at the time to maintain a close connection between England and France. Alençon and his brother Anjou were, says Smith, like Guelph and Ghibelline, the former surrounded only by those of “the religion,” whilst the latter’s suite and courtiers were all “Papists.” Catharine had not apparently yet been won over to the view that her own interests would be served by allowing the Catholic party complete domination, and their opponents to be massacred; and when she was so persuaded, and the St. Bartholomew had been perpetrated, she soon found out her mistake and took up her old policy again. The day following the interview just mentioned, Cavalcanti came to Smith with a formal copy of Anjou’s demand; namely, that he should have full religious liberty in England. Smith writes to Cecil on the 9th of January, giving an account of his reception of the document. He affected to be perfectly shocked at the terms, and said he dared not send them to his mistress, which really meant that before being quite off with the old love he wished to have some advance from the new. He asked Cavalcanti to suggest to the Queen-mother whether she could not think of some salve to accompany this bitter pill. Cavalcanti knew what he meant, and said something about Alençon, but Smith says he pretended to be too much perturbed to hear, “for I will have it from the Queen-mother’s own mouth.” Catharine sent word that she was grieved that the paper had disturbed Smith so much, and would be glad to see him. The next day she sent a coach for him and Killigrew, and they were accompanied to the Court by Castelnau de la Mauvissière and Cavalcanti. She hoped, she said, that his mistress would not break amity with them on this matter, as she and the King were very earnest, and trusted the Queen of England would have pity upon them. She had another son who, if the Queen would consent to “phantasy him,” would make no scruple about religion. She also hinted at a national alliance, and asked Smith whether he had powers to negotiate. He told her he must await further instructions, but as to the Duke of Alençon, if the Queen were as much astonished at Anjou’s demand as he was, she would not lend ear to any other proposition from them of the sort. He could not, he said, write to the Queen about it, but would sound Cecil; and himself would meet any French statesman the Queen-mother might appoint to “rough hew” a treaty. Smith’s firmness had its reward, and the Queen-mother softened considerably. She had the envoys assured that in order to pacify Elizabeth Alençon should be sent to England unconditionally. Their evident anxiety inspired Smith with high hopes. “Never,” he said, “was there a better time than now for a marriage or a league,” and he begs Cecil to urge the Queen to lose no time nor to procrastinate, “as is commonly her wont.” Killigrew, for his part, was just as hopeful, and wrote to the Queen that “Papists and Huguenots alike all wish Alençon to go to England, and he is very willing, although Anjou is against it. Alençon,” he says, “is not so tall or fair as his brother, but that is as is fantasied. Then he is not so obstinate, papistical, and restive like a mule, as his brother is. As for getting children, I cannot tell why, but they assure me he is more apt than the other.”[70]
In the meanwhile the “rough hewing” of the treaty of alliance went on, but to all attempts to draw him about the Alençon proposals Smith was dumb until he could receive instructions from England, which did not come; so the indispensable Cavalcanti was sent over to broach the matter there. La Mothe Fénélon, the French ambassador in England, had some months before looked coldly upon the suggestion of a match between Alençon and the Queen, and had told Catharine that he feared such a proposal would cause offence; but, urged by the Queen-mother and her emissary, Cavalcanti, he broached the matter to Cecil one day at the end of January as he was coming from a long interview with the Queen. Have you spoken to the Queen about it? said Cecil. La Mothe said he had not, and Cecil told him to keep it secret until they two had put themselves in accord on the subject. Smith’s repeated letters in favour of the idea, and La Mothe’s advances, at last decided him to open the suggestion to the Queen. She naturally at once objected to the great disparity of ages—she was nearly thirty-nine and Alençon was not seventeen—and then she asked Cecil what was Alençon’s exact height. He is about as tall as I am, replied the lord treasurer. “You mean as tall as your grandson,” snapped the Queen, and closed the conversation.[71] Elizabeth’s vanity had been wounded by the way in which the French had played fast and loose with her about Anjou, and she was somewhat restive; but Cecil and most of the English ministers were better pleased with Alençon than with his brother, first because he had been always attached to the Huguenots by his diplomatic mother, and would make no difficulty about religion; and secondly, as he was not the next heir to the French crown, the danger which might arise in the event of his succession was more remote.
On Sunday, the 9th of February, a grand masque and tourney were given by Catharine de Medici, apparently for the purpose of showing off her youngest son to the English envoys. He and his brother the King, splendidly dressed and mounted, with six followers aside, tilted at the ring, the Queen-mother the meanwhile pointing out the perfections of the younger, who, she told Killigrew, was rather richer than his brother Anjou.
CHAPTER VI.
Interview of Walsingham and Smith with Catharine de Medici respecting Alençon—Treaty between England and France—Cavalcanti’s negotiations—Montmorenci’s mission to London—Walsingham’s description of Alençon—La Mole’s visit to the Queen—The Alençon match prospers—The St. Bartholomew—Resumption of negotiations—Alençon’s first letter to the Queen—Maisonfleur’s mission—Special embassy of Castelnau de la Mauvissière—Civil war in France—Anjou elected King of Poland—Disappears as a suitor for Elizabeth’s hand.
On the 21st of March Walsingham, who had now returned to his post, was walking with Smith in the park at Blois, when by accident or design they met the Queen-mother. A quaint account of the interview with her is given in a letter from Smith to Cecil dated the following day. They were speaking of the Duke of Norfolk’s conspiracy, when the Queen-mother seized the opportunity of once more trying to urge the suit of her youngest son. “I would,” she said, “that the Queen were quiet from all these broils; doe you (Smith) know nothing how she can fancie the marriage with my son the Duke of Alençon?” “Madam,” said Smith, “you know me of old; I can affirm nothing except I have some good ground. Why, if she be disposed to marrie, I do not see where she shall marrie so well; and yet, saith she, I may as a mother be justly accounted partial, but as for those which I have heard named, as the Emperor’s son or Don John, they be both lesser than my son is, and of less stature by a good deal, and if she should marrie it were pity any more time were lost. Madam, quoth I, if it pleased God that she were married and had a child, all these braggs and all these treasons would soon be appalled, and on condition that she had a child by M. d’Alençon, for my part I care not if ye had the Queen of Scotland here, for you would then take as good care of her as we do.” Catharine de Medici confirmed this view, and said that there was no reason why they should not have several children. “And if the Queen,” she said, “could have fancied my son Anjou, why not this one, of the same house, father and mother, and as vigorous and lusty as he, and rather more? And now he beginneth to have a beard come forth, for that I told him the last day that I was angry with it, for I was now afraid he would not be so high as his brethren. Yea, Madam, I said, a man doth commonly grow in height to his years, the beard maketh nothing. Nay, said she, he is not so little; he is as high as you, or very near. For that, Madam, quoth I, I for my part make small account, if the Queen’s Majesty can fancie him, for Pepin the short did not reach his wife’s girdle and yet had Charlemagne. It is true, said she, that it is heart and courage and activity that is to be looked for in a man. But have you no word of your Queen’s affection that way? Can you give me no comfort?” But Smith was not to be drawn out of his reserve without special instructions from England, and these did not come; so that although the conversation continued in the same strain for a long time, Catherine could get nothing definite in the way of encouragement to Alençon.
In the meanwhile the “rough hewing” of the treaty had been steadily going on, and on the 19th of April the draft protocol was signed at Blois. Aid was to be given unofficially by both nations to the revolted Hollanders; the fleets of Protestant privateers in the Channel were to be sheltered and encouraged, and, above all, the Huguenot Henry of Navarre was to marry Margaret of Valois, the King’s sister. Catharine wrote a letter to Elizabeth on the 22nd of April, through Smith, expressing her joy at the prospect of peace and harmony in France, which the treaty and her daughter’s marriage held out, and Marshal de Montmorenci and de Foix were sent as a special embassy to England for the ratification of the formal alliance, whilst Lord Admiral Clinton, the Earl of Lincoln, was to proceed to France for a similar purpose. The Protestant party in France were thus for the moment victorious all along the line, and the connection between England and France closer than it had been for many years. Catharine, naturally desirous of securing a double hold upon England whilst these relations lasted, by settling her youngest son as Elizabeth’s consort, instructed Montmorenci to make a formal offer of his hand to the Queen. As usual, Cavalcanti was sent over as a harbinger, and took with him a flattering portrait of the Prince, which was given to the Queen through Leicester. Alençon was deeply pitted with the small-pox from which he had recently suffered, and otherwise was far inferior in appearance to his brother Anjou, so that to a person of Elizabeth’s temperament he was less likely to be acceptable. She had, moreover, obtained by the treaty of Blois the close alliance with France and the predominance of the Huguenots which she desired, and could therefore afford to hold off somewhat in the marriage negotiations in which she personally had never been sincere. She accordingly instructed Lord Lincoln[72] that if any mention were made to him of the marriage, he might say that he believed she considered she had not been well treated in the Anjou business; and moreover the disparity of years between herself and Alençon was so great as in her opinion to be a complete “stay” to the match.