A circumstance that reflects as well upon the devisor, as upon the commander, or the engineer of the army, is not generally known to the American people. The redoubt of cotton bales, has ever been attributed to the judgment, skill, quick perception, and superior tact of Major General Andrew Jackson; than whom, a braver heart, never beat in the breast of man. But this is a mistake. The suggestion of the cotton bales was made by a colored man, at the instant, when the city of New Orleans was put under martial law. The colored troops were gathering, and their recruiting officers (being colored,) were scouring the city in every direction, and particularly on the Levee, where the people throng for news—to hear, see, and be seen. At such times in particular, the blacks are found in great numbers. The cotton shipped down the Mississippi in large quantities to the city, is landed and piled in regular terrace walls, several thousand feet long, sometimes double rows—and fifteen or twenty feet high. When the sun shines in winter, the days become warm and pleasant after the morning passes off, and at such times, there may be found many of the idle blacks, lying upon the top, and in comfortable positions between or behind those walls of cotton bales. On the approach of the recruiting officer, a number of persons were found stretched out upon the bales, lying scattered upon the ground. On addressing them, they were found to be slaves, which the pride of the recently promoted free colored soldiers, nor the policy of the proclamation, then, justified them in enrolling. On questioning them respecting their fears of the approaching contest—they expressed themselves as perfectly satisfied and safe, while permitted to lie behind the bales. The idea was at once impressed—Chalmet Plain, the battle field, being entirely barren without trees, brush, or stone, and the ingenuity of the General-in-chief and engineer of the army, having been for several days taxed, without successful device; the officer determined that he would muster courage, and hazard the consequences of an approach to the General, and suggest the idea suggested to him, by the observation of a slave, who was indifferent to the safety of others, so that he was secure—and perhaps justly so—whether conscious or not of the importance of its bearing. General Jackson, whatever may be said to the contrary, though firm and determined, was pleasant, affable, and easily approached, and always set equal estimate upon the manhood of a colored man; believing every thing of him, that he expressed in his proclamation to the colored freemen of Louisiana. He did not pretend to justify the holding of slaves, especially on the assumed unjust plea of their incapacity for self-government—he always hooted at the idea; never would become a member of the Colonization Society, always saying "Let the colored people be—they were quiet now, in comparative satisfaction—let them be." But he held them as a policy, by which to make money—and would just as readily have held a white man, had it been the policy of the country, as a black one in slavery. The General was approached—the suggestion made—slaves set to work—the bales conveyed down—the breast-works raised—the Americans protected, as the musketry and artillery proved powerless against the elastic cushion-wall of cotton bales; the battle fought—the British vanquished—the Americans victorious, and Major General Andrew Jackson "all covered with glory," as the most distinguished and skillful captain of the age. It has always been thought by colored men familiar with this circumstance, that the reference of the General is directed to this, when he expresses himself in his last proclamation to them: "You have done more than I expected." Doubtless this was the case. Whatever valor and capacity to endure hardships, the General knew colored men to possess, it was more than he expected of them, to bring skill to his aid, and assist in counseling plans for the defence of the army.
On the Eighth of January, 1851, the celebration of the Battle of New Orleans, in that city one year ago, "Ninety of the colored veterans who bore a conspicuous part in the dangers of the day," (the day of battle,) held "a conspicuous place in the procession," in exaltation of their country's glory. Nor was the Navy without the representative of colored interest in the liberty of the country. In speaking of the war of 1812, a colored veteran of Philadelphia, the late James Forten, who had himself enlisted and was imprisoned on board of a British man-of-war, the "Old Jersey Prison Ship," affirms: "The vessels of war of that period were all, to a greater or less extent, manned with colored men." The father-in-law of the writer, has often related to him that he saw the three hundred and sixty colored marines, in military pomp and naval array, when passing through Pittsburg in 1812 on their way to the frigate Constitution, then on lake Erie under command of the gallant Commodore Perry. And we cannot close this view of our subject, without reference to one of the living veterans of the battle of New Orleans, now residing where he has for many years, in the city of Pittsburg, Pa., to whom we are indebted for more oral information concerning that memorable conflict, than to any other living person. Mr. John Julius, was a member of the valiant regiment of colored soldiers, who held so conspicuous a place in the estimation of their General, their country's struggles for Liberty and Independence. He is a tall, good-looking, brown skin creole of Louisiana, now about sixty-three years of age, bearing the terrible gashes of the bayonet still conspicuously in his neck. He was one of the few Americans who encountered the British in single-handed charges on top of the breast-works. Julien Bennoit, (pronounced ben wah,) for such is his name, though commonly known as John Julius, is a man of uprightness and strict integrity of character, having all the delicate sensibility and pride of character known to the Frenchman; and laments more at the injustice done him, in the neglect of the authorities to grant him his claims of money and land, according to the promises set forth in the Proclamation, than at any reverse of fortune with which he has ever met. He is enthusiastic on the subject of the battle scenes of Chalmet Plains, and anxious that all who converse with him may know that he is one of the actors. Not so much for his own notoriety—as all soldiers have a right to—as for the purpose of making known and exposing the wrongs done to him and hundreds of his fellows, who fought shoulder to shoulder with him, in the conflict with Sir Edward Packenham. Mr. Julius is the only person in whose possession we have ever seen a complete draught of the plan of the battle fought on the 8th of January, 1815, drawn on the field, by the U.S. Engineer.
This consists of two charts, one quite large, and the other smaller; the larger giving the whole plan of battle, and the other being the key, which shows the position of the different battalions and regiments of troops, with the several officers of command, in which the Colored Regiment is beautifully and conspicuously displayed. He sets great estimate upon them. Col. Marshall John M. Davis, who was an officer under General Jackson at the battle of New Orleans, now still residing in Allegheny Co., near Pittsburg, bears testimony to the truthfulness of Mr. Julien Bennoit having been a soldier in the Army of the Mississippi in 1814. The deeds of these tried and faithful daring sons of Liberty, and defenders of their country, shall live triumphantly, long after the nation shall have repented her wrongs towards them and their descendants, and hung her head with shame, before the gaze of manhood's stern rebuke.
Mr. John B. Vashon, of Pittsburg, embarked in the service of the United States, and in an engagement of the American squadron in South America, was imprisoned, with Major Henry Bears, a respectable white citizen, still living in that city.
FOOTNOTE:
[2] Captain Jonathan Tudas, who led the 500 brave blacks out to build the Redoubt, is now living in Philadelphia, and since the commencement of this publication, we learned the following particulars: When the news arrived of the approach of the British under Major General Ross, upon Baltimore, the expectation ran high, that the city would be taken, and forced marches made, immediately upon Philadelphia. The whole City consequently was thrown into great alarm, when Captain Tudas, applied to the United States Engineer, and offered the services of colored men, who during the week, were summoned to meet at the African Methodist Episcopal Church, on the following Sabbath; when from the pulpit, the Right Rev. Richard Allen, Bishop of the Connexion, made known to the people the peril of the Country, and demands of the Commonwealth; when, the next day, Monday, five hundred volunteered, working incessantly during that day, and on Tuesday, six hundred more were added, swelling the number to eleven hundred men. William Stansberry, arrested and tried a few years ago, as a fugitive slave from Maryland, and Mr. Ignatius Beck, an old respectable colored man, who appeared as a witness, and by whose testimony alone, Mr. Stansberry was released from the grasp of the oppression of his Country, and thereby saved from endless bondage, were both under Captain Tudas, and belong to the faithful eleven hundred Philadelphia black warriors. He farther informs us, that the Engineer gave them credit for having thrown up superior works to any other men employed in the service, and having done more work in the same time, and drank less, by four-fifth, than twice their number of "Old Countrymen." The relics of the breastworks, still stand on or near the banks of the Schuylkill, as a living monument of the fidelity of the black race to their State and Country. Mr. Stansberry, is still living, and Captain Tudas, now quite an old man, about "turning the corner," as he expresses it, is a very intelligent old gentleman, and a living history of facts. There are few white men of his age and opportunities, that equal him at all in intelligence on any subject. He is a kind of living synoptic-historical Encyclopedia.
IX
CAPACITY OF COLORED MEN AND WOMEN AS CITIZEN MEMBERS OF COMMUNITY
The utility of men in their private capacity as citizens, is of no less import than that of any other department of the community in which they live; indeed, the fitness of men for positions in the body politic, can only be justly measured by their qualification as citizens. And we may safely venture the declaration, that in the history of the world, there has never been a nation, that among the oppressed class of inhabitants—a class entirely ineligible to any political position of honor, profit or trust—wholly discarded from the recognition of citizens' rights—not even permitted to carry the mail, nor drive a mail coach—there never has, in the history of nations, been any people thus situated, who has made equal progress in attainments with the colored people of the United States. It would be as unnecessary as it is impossible, to particularize all the individuals; we shall therefore be satisfied, with a classification and a few individual cases. Our history in this country is well known, and quite sufficiently treated on in these pages already, without the necessity of repetition here; it is enough to know that by the most cruel acts of injustice and crime, our forefathers were forced by small numbers, and enslaved in the country—the great body now to the number of three millions and a half, still groaning in bondage—that the half million now free, are the descendants of the few who by various means, are fortunate enough to gain their liberty from Southern bondage—that no act of general emancipation has ever taken place, and no chance as yet for a general rebellion—we say in view of all these facts, we proceed to give a cursory history of the attainments—the civil, social, business and professional, and literary attainments of colored men and women, and challenge comparison with the world—according to circumstances—in times past and present.