Marriages were in the air, and gossip early said three would take place at Calais—Mary to the Prince, Margaret of Scotland to Maximilian, and Margaret of Austria to Lisle, whom, on February 1, Henry created Duke of Suffolk.[ [200]
Before things got that length, however, much had happened, and the Duchess of Savoy had been passing through the most wretched period of her existence, for her pride had been sorely torn by the gossip which her council took care should reach her ears and those of the Emperor, and which gave Chièvres and the French party a pretext for attempting to break off the English match. Her Flemish entourage had been considerably annoyed at the intimacy between Lisle and the Governess of the Netherlands, though Margaret assured them again and again that "that which she had said and done was for not to annoy the King";[ [201] but what they felt while they watched the exchange of vows at Lille, "at the cupboard-head," was nothing to their sensations later on when the thing became the gossip of Europe. That Margaret could for one moment have imagined that such determined wooing would pass unnoticed is incredible, but her distress at finding herself gossiped about in every country is a proof of her belief in its secrecy. Protest her innocent intentions as she would, the thing reached the Emperor;[ [202] the King of Aragon wrote to ask if it were true;[ [203] the Venetian ambassador sent the news home;[ [204] it was the common bruit of the staples, and the merchants were betting on the marriage.[ [205] Chièvres must have exulted that his adversary had been delivered into his hand, for as early as November Margaret was pleading with her father for her honour, following "the custom of her house," as she once said, and not mentioning the real matter, but indicating it obliquely. At Henry's request changes had been made in her Privy Council to outweigh the French element, and this had been misliked. Floris d'Egmont, Lord Isselstein,[ [206] one of its members, drew a pension from England, so probably did Berghes and Hormistorffe and possibly Nassau, but Chièvres and St Py and their following intrigued ceaselessly with France. They regarded Margaret as an English agent, for letters which she had written to Brandon had been ill kept, and her secret informations to Henry had filtered through to the Spanish ambassador, and were none the clearer for the filtering.[ [207] She felt abashed and disgraced before her own Court and Council, and she finds "the publishing of the thing the most strange in the world."[ [208] Her distress was increased when on inquiry she found that the gossip had an English origin, and it is the strongest proof that she really loved Brandon, this sorrow, not anger, of hers at finding him careless of her honour in these matters. "I have been constrained," she writes, "as well by the counsel of my servants as of the Lord Berghes and others, to make enquiry whereof it came, and as well by information as writing, always I have found that it proceeded from England. Whereof I have had a marvellous sorrow. And I have letters of the self hand of an English merchant, the which hath been the first that hath made the wagers, as Brégilles knoweth well."[ [209]
The ink was scarcely dry on the treaties signed at Lille before the intrigues with the French began to bear fruit. The frontier was ill-guarded, and Margaret herself is said to have commanded the garrisons to abstain from attacking the French; at the same time the charges of the army were not diminished,[ [210] and many of the gens d'armes drew their pay for active service while comfortably seated at home.[ [211] Ferdinand, in spite of the treaty signed before Therouenne, to which Henry had been persuaded by Margaret to admit him, was renewing his peace with France, who was to give his second daughter to Don Ferdinand of Austria, the Prince's brother, with Milan for dowry; to the Emperor money and forces to recover the duchy, and to the Queen of Aragon the Conté de Foix; further, he was to abandon Navarre to Ferdinand and leave the Scots a prey to England. "Habes totam hanc perfidiam." Pedro Quintana, Bishop of Catania, Ferdinand's secretary, had been sent across France to the Emperor, and after conferring with him in open secrecy, the English ambassador, Sir Robert Wingfield, being kept entirely in the dark, had returned by the same way, so that when on February 8 a truce was signed between France and Aragon, it was conjectured to be a mere matter of time till the Emperor also joined it. Margaret, who was Henry's firm friend, and devoted to the English cause and marriage, implored her father to remember that Aragon was the only one who had already pulled his chestnuts from the fire, and that no profit would come to the Emperor. She reminded him that the only bulwark of Burgundy against "la grande et invétérée inimitié que les Francais portent à cette maison" is amity with her enemies, for between France and Aragon are the mountains and England has the sea, and Henry now was so powerful that he could make a separate and better peace if he liked. His preparations for the new campaign, like those for the wedding, were such as had never been made within the memory of man, and this was the hour or never to overtop the enemy of Burgundy at the expense of England. "I know, sir, that he has not the faintest thought of making a truce, and that up to now he has not had, I am sure. But I am sure that if he sees or suspects that you want to change the treaty concluded with him, that will make him think what before he never thought, and the thing is very dangerous, for he could always have a good treaty and ample, and if he wanted to do it alone, it is clear he could do it better than anyone else." "As for me, sir, I wish for peace as much as any living person, provided it be good and sure; but otherwise it will be to the loss and destruction of this house in the future, which God forbid." Then she comes to the main point of her relations with Lisle: "Sir, I know there are many people who desire nothing so much as to break this friendship with England, and to do this, not knowing any other means, have contrived certain tales 'de maulvaises paroles et langaiges' which touch my honour, to put trouble between you, the said King and myself; but, sir, be assured they are all lies, and that I would rather have died a thousand times if it were possible than to have thought of it, and only speak of it to take away this trouble between us."[ [212] But in spite of all that Margaret could do or write, the French party was in the ascendant, and she was discredited, for the Emperor was backing Chièvres, who now practically ruled Charles, though the "people about the Prince do not care much for the Emperor."[ [213] The Council were already, in February, expecting information of the treaty with France, "putting no doubt in the deliverance at this time of the French King's daughter into their hands for the prince," and they hoped, as the price of the marriage, that France would surrender Burgundy. The "English" party were told there was no other way to live in peace, "and that before the perfect age of the said daughter, the Prince shall be of better experience and able to command and rule himself."[ [214] The Emperor and the King of Aragon misliked this independent policy, but it seemed likely to take effect, and Nassau, now openly French, thought that they should have "the good deeds of the French and the others the good words."[ [215] Margaret had still to fight for her prestige with her father as well as with the Council, for Chièvres began to think he could do anything with the Emperor, who in December had accepted his daughter's "excuse" for her behaviour towards Lisle and Henry.[ [216] But her further letters to Henry and Lisle, and her "secret advertisements," had been spied upon and told to her father, so that again she was "in fear" and could not get into touch with him. Henry did not doubt her, and she was probably one of the three channels by which he knew all the Spanish secret practices.[ [217] But the atmosphere of her Court was unbearable. She was regarded with suspicion by all her Council and spied upon, and she could not speak openly to Sir William Sidney, whereof she was more displeased than at anything else. "He himself perceiveth well that everyone beholdeth him of the other side. As to the descent of the King, it shall behove me to speak as soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the thing that I desire as much as his coming. And the same for my Lady Mary, as God knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to dissemble not in this, but in many others. And it seemeth to me that I may not so well serve the King, being in this fear, as before, so when the King shall descend that I shall always be in this pain, and I fear me I shall not dare speak or show good semblance to the said personage (Lisle)."[ [218] Her frank nature, which loved outside diplomatic dealing, to see and to say things as they were suffered acutely. So she sent Brégilles to England.[ [219] In February, Henry had been ill with the measles, and had been entertained during his convalescence by Maximilian's offer of the Imperial Crown, presumably to dazzle him into blindness to the Spanish intrigues, but, like the sacring at Rheims, it was all nutshells. Brégilles went ostensibly to inquire for Henry's health, but really to explain that something must be done "to avoid the bruit," which was having such a disastrous effect on the policy of Flanders.[ [220] Margaret said the only possible way, in her opinion, was for Suffolk to marry the Lady Lisle, a child of nine years old, Suffolk's ward, and the daughter and heiress of John Grey, late Lord Lisle. This penance both Henry and Suffolk said was too much, for it was not fair to bind the man to a contract which the child could repudiate on coming of age; anything else but not that. So Henry wrote to the Emperor expressing his astonishment that rumour had arisen of a possible marriage between the Duchess of Savoy and the Duke of Suffolk, his "tres leal cousin et conseiller."[ [221] He could not think how it came about save as a device of certain "mauvais esprits de mettre quelque scrupule entre vous et nous." He would search out the gossips on his side and punish them. He did, and of course found them. They were examined in presence of Brégilles by Wolsey and Suffolk, and it was proved beyond doubt that the original letter was written by the nameless English merchant while Henry was still at Tournay! So much for Margaret's ostrich-like secrecy. Henry and Suffolk wanted to punish the unfortunate gossips with death there and then, but Brégilles interposed. "Je leur ai bien dit que votre volonté n'estoit point si vindicative et qu'ils ne fissent nulle punition aux dits marchands quant au corps, sans avoir nouvelles de vous: vous en manderez s'il vous plaît votre bon plaisir." Suffolk offered to bring home his daughter, whose presence at Malines might help to keep gossip alive, but Brégilles said his mistress did not desire it, and would not think of such a thing. Henry and Mary and Katharine all made so much of Brégilles that he was almost ashamed to take the gifts showered upon him.[ [222]
The Emperor still sulked, and his daughter could make no headway with the English marriage, and the Flemings sold guns and harness to the Scots, and so openly favoured them as friends of France that Thomas Spinelly, English agent at Brussels, suggested that a ship should be secretly freighted in Zeeland with onions and apples to Scotland, with some shrewd fellows on board to spy in the Scottish ports.[ [223] On March 31 the Council of Flanders had their way, and a treaty between France and the Prince of Castile was signed[ [224] while the Emperor was still deep in "confusse dealing."[ [225] This was practically the deathblow to the Anglo-Castilian marriage. The French had won in spite of Margaret and the Spanish ambassador, between whom and the Council had grown many words. The same month the English embassy to Brussels for the arranging of the details of the marriage had been sent off, and Margaret had made it very clear that whoever should go on that embassy it was not to be Suffolk. "I know that I may not show towards the personage the weal and honour which I desire to do as before. For as yet I dare not write unto him when I have anything to do towards the King, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am constrained to entreat him in all things like a stranger, at the least before folks, the which doth me so much displeasure that I cannot write it seeing that I take him so much for my good friend and servant." Further on she says: "I shall not dare to behold him with a good eye which displeasure shall be the same to him as to me."[ [226] Only on his marriage with the child Lady Lisle was he to be allowed to come into her presence. Suffolk had prepared a vast and gorgeous equipage for the journey, and Henry said it would really cause more gossip in England if he did not go, for it would need to be explained publicly in Parliament,[ [227] but Margaret had her way, and Suffolk's cousin, Sir Richard Wingfield, Deputy of Calais, was sent with long instructions. He was to learn for the information of Richard Gibson, then in Calais arranging the camp and houses, what personages would attend on the Lady Margaret and the Prince of Castile at Calais. He was to obtain numbers and names in writing, and also what etiquette was to be observed. The King would provide all things for the Emperor, the Prince, and my Lady, except beds, "which it is thought they will for their better ease bring with them." Henry consulted Margaret in the smallest detail, everything was to be as she desired, and sent a book containing the provision of the Princess's apparel, her chamber, office and stables. Cloth of every sort had been provided, "and my lady is to devise for the making thereof after such manner as shall best please her," and in queenly and honourable fashion. Above all, a definite answer about the place of the wedding was to be demanded.[ [228]
Sir Richard and his companions found only Margaret on their side, for the Council would gladly hinder the Prince's marriage "with the Lady Mary, saying that he is a child and she a woman full grown."[ [229] In fact, as the Venetian ambassador had said, "he wanted a wife and not a mother."[ [230] They had it seems no doubt about Mary's real age. At the same time that gossip was carried to the English Court of the intrigue of the prince with Mdlle de Likerke, "a damsel of the court," at Malines, Mary was reported of so amorous a nature that it would be dangerous for Charles to marry her before he was full grown. Margaret had sent over to find out the truth of this last rumour, and her agent wrote: "Je vous ose bien dire que si ce n'était que toutes femmes sont assez fortes, que Monsieur viendra bien au bout de cette ci, car y n'est rien si mennuet ni si douset qu'elle est." If Monsieur could only speak to her privately a little while, it is certain that "Likerke tornera le rot au sort qu'il sera tout brulé,"[ [231] which rather obscure statement may mean that the Flamande would be eclipsed easily by her rival. The one "Englishman" on the Council denied Charles's interest in Likerke, and reported that the Prince had said that Mary had been always his only love,[ [232] but, on the other hand, Charles had "spoken suspicious words," and he was young and surrounded by a young Council.[ [233] The French ambassador was honourably received at Court, and there were many ill rumours spread against England, most of them coming from France, especially one which said the English could not hold Tournay for three months. The feast of St George's day was not observed in any point, any more than if the Prince did not belong to the Order. "The Archduchess is sorry, but cannot oppose it, as the authority of France increases. Unless the King looks to it, all these countries will be ruled by the French."[ [234] Throughout the mission the English had no more courteous sympathizer than the Aragonese ambassador: "I promise your Grace he spareth not to answer your faithful servant. What they mean thereby God knoweth." Wingfield became more insistent, and refused to be put off longer with vague answers about the marriage, for it was now the end of April, and the ceremony was timed for May 15. Chièvres still had the Emperor's ear, he had bought it for 100,000 crowns,[ [235] and Margaret wrote in vain that a definite answer could not be put off much longer, but Maximilian preferred as usual to drive the time and let someone else face the consequences. The English would accept no postponement, and said the wedding must be at Calais, and Margaret, at her wits' end to explain decently her father's variableness, "forged an excuse at Malines," and, turning in the track of gossip, said she feared that if the Prince married so young he might be disappointed of issue.[ [236]
The French were now forward on the borders of the Pale, and said "they would look upon us at Guisnes,"[ [237] while Préjan, the admiral, was at Dieppe with his galleys, and at St Omer there were as many Mamelukes as good Frenchmen. Count de Ligny and all other captains in Henry's pay were ordered to draw to Calais and lodge about Gravelines, to co-operate with the force which was ready to cross the sea.[ [238] At this moment grew a rumour of Margaret's marriage to Louis XII., but Henry denied it before his Council, and said, no matter who in the world said so he would not believe it, for he never doubted her for a moment, though he acknowledged her explanation of her use of English moneys and soldiers was rather "colorable." At last, in May, Margaret had comfortable letters from her father, and she definitely broke with Suffolk in the pathetic letters[ [239] already quoted, which, "so that certain conclusion might be made," she wrote to Sir Richard Wingfield, but she could not undo the well-knit French policy. Suffolk's riposte was somewhat weak. At the jousts in May the King and the new duke defended the tilt against all comers, and on their black staves was written in white letters, "Who can hold what will away." Hall says, "This poesie was judged to be made for the Duke of Suffolk and the Duchess of Savoy," and as Henry's bore the same legend, it probably referred also to the Prince of Castile and the Princess Mary.[ [240]
This was not, however, the open end. Negotiations dragged on. Sir Robert Wingfield, who had once before detached the Emperor from France, was trying to repeat the move, but with no success, for Aragon's ambassador, with his dealings "full of ficte and colored matter," was always there to balk him. He implored Henry to do nothing in haste, for "his majesty showeth himself at many times not easy to be led, and much worse to be driven, and therefore, Sir, for the love of God, have good consideration how ye handle this old practised Prince, which hath been but easily (i.e. superficially) known in time past, because many have sought to defame him and few to declare and show what manner of man he is."[ [241] The Aragonese ambassador at Malines also gave himself such airs of importance that Margaret was exceedingly annoyed, and it was openly said that "if the said lord Prince will not be obeissant unto the King of Aragon (i.e. in the matter of marriage), or go into Spain against his will, he might be poisoned, as his father King Philip was."[ [242] Gerard de Pleine, representing Flanders, and John Coller, the Emperor, were sent to England, and got very little comfort from either Henry or the Council, the former declaring roundly that if he wanted peace he need not send out of his kingdom for it,[ [243] which the ambassadors took as an allusion to Louis de Longueville, who was a favourite in the court. Wolsey said the King would not make peace, but if he did it would ruin Flanders.[ [244] The English themselves were in favour of war with France, and, like Lord Darcy,[ [245] offered themselves and their sons with eagerness to serve the King there. The marriage of Mary with the Prince was taken for granted, so that the breaking of this traditional policy was a difficult matter, and had to be conducted to a full conclusion secretly. Hence, though in June the truce with France was assured, and on July 30 Mary, persuaded by her brother and Wolsey, formally renounced her compact of marriage with Charles,[ [246] yet on August 2 Margaret was reading letters from Henry "with a glad countenance."[ [247] A fortnight later the fashion thereof had changed, when she heard that her trust had been misplaced and played with, and she had to listen to Chièvres' sneers at English fidelity.[ [248] The Council cried traitor to the English, and the whole country was exasperated. Englishmen were assaulted in Brussels,[ [249] and the Captain of Tournay found victualling a difficult matter, for it depended on the goodwill of the surrounding people, and the Anglo-French alliance put the fear of God upon them. Margaret was the only one who refused to believe the report, and "took great thought and displeasure therewith in so much that some fear she shall take hurt thereby"; and indeed she did fall ill[ [250] in the autumn from vexation at the failure of her plans and from grief, "for the penance was too great for their offence."[ [251] The Duchess made one more attempt to reknit the bonds between England and Flanders, and threatened to publish Henry's promise, signed at Tournay, not to enter into any truce without the knowledge of his ally, the Prince, but Henry retorted that if she did this, which, after all, would do him no harm, he would publish secret letters of hers which he held,[ [252] and so again Margaret ran up against the Suffolk affair. Do what she might it was not forgotten, for "the bruit is so imprinted in the fantasies of the people," and as late as September 1515[ [253] she was asking Wolsey for the return of her letters.
FROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)