| "Non tibi contextis lucent funalia lignis, Sed cœli stellæ; nænia tristis abest, Sed canit ad feretrum superum chorus aliger, et me, Cœlesti incipiens voce, silere jubet." Maffei, Poemata, p. 145. |
FOR six long months the body of the dead Queen was to remain neglected and apparently forgotten within the walls of Fotheringay, and her attendants, in spite of their natural desire to return to their homes and friends, were condemned to a quasi-imprisonment for even a longer space of time. After the scaffold had been removed Mary's chaplain, Du Préau, was allowed to join the other mourners, and on the morning after the execution he said mass for her soul. But later in the day Paulet sent for Melville and Bourgoing, and ordered that the altar should be taken down, and asked them to take an oath that mass should not be said again. Melville excused himself, saying he was a Protestant and not concerned. Bourgoing energetically refused. Paulet therefore sent for Du Préau, who was evidently a timid man, and who took the oath insisted upon.[172] Paulet also demanded the box containing the vestments, and the following note in his inventory of Mary's effects probably refers to its contents: "Memorandum that the Priest claimeth as of the late Queen's gift a silver chalice with a cover, two silver cruets, four images, the one of Our Lady in red coral, with divers other vestments and necessaries belonging to a Massing Priest." Paulet likewise entered the Queen's oratory and made an inventory of its contents; among them was a book in which he may have read these words written by Mary, "On my garments they have cast lots."[173] Paulet had already written to Davison asking for orders regarding Mary's household, etc.; he concludes his letter,—written on the day itself of the execution,—thus: "The children of God have daily experience of His mercy and favour towards such as can be content to depend of His merciful providence, who doth not see as man seeth, but His times and seasons are always just and perfectly good. The same God make us all thankful for His late singular favours." There is a significant postscript added by Beale: "We may not forbear to signify unto you that these two Earls[174] (Kent and Shrewsbury) have showed a very singular and faithful affection to Her Majesty's service in this action, as you shall be informed more particularly by me, Robert Beale, at my return to the court, which shall be shortly by the grace of God."
It is curious to find that the "singular and faithful affection" manifested by the commissioners did not save them from an unpleasant moment with Elizabeth. There is a petition signed by Kent, Shrewsbury, Paulet, and Beale, in which they justify their conduct to their irate mistress, who was then endeavouring to throw the blame of Mary's death on every one but herself.[175] This document bears the mark of two cuts made by scissors. "Does this indicate that the minute was considered unnecessary and never presented?" says M. Kervyn de Lettenhove, "or should we, on the contrary, see in this the anger of Elizabeth, on whom the suppliants wished to fix the responsibility at the moment when she most energetically denied her participation?"[176] Beale, on his side, thought it necessary to justify himself separately. "I thought," he writes, "that I ought to fulfil the order; I was the Queen's servant and bound to obey her. If, in those circumstances, the Queen had been exposed to some danger, it would have been my fault. I was convinced that her safety depended on the death of the Queen of Scotland; I found sufficient warrant in an order signed by herself."[177]
Paulet rejoiced to see the end of his residence at Fotheringay, of which, as he said, the cause was withdrawn, "to my great joy and to the joy of all faithful Christians, subjects of the Queen," but when he reached London he found matters quite different to his expectations, and in the time of trouble is said to have thrown all the blame on Walsingham. The storm did not last long, however, as Paulet was made Chancellor of the Garter in the month of April 1587.
Although absent from Fotheringay he still seems to have retained his jurisdiction over Queen Mary's attendants. It was to him that Melville and Bourgoing applied in March for permission to sell their horses, and to write to France regarding the bequests made to them by their late mistress; and to him that Darrell in the following June sends "the petition of the whole household and servants of the late Queen of Scotland," asking to be released from prison and to be allowed to leave the country. This petition was either never answered, or refused, as the household remained at Fotheringay till October.[178]
Before then Elizabeth's policy had caused her to give her victim a royal funeral. This incident—would that we could say, act of reparation—has hitherto, perhaps, met with less attention than it deserved, and we will endeavour to gather together the details regarding what is an unique fact in history, sympathising the while with the sentiments of Mary's attendants, who stoutly refused the mourning mantles offered them by Queen Elizabeth for an occasion which must have seemed to them a very questionable tribute to their mistress's memory.
In a tract entitled "A Remembrance of the Order and Manner of the Burial of Mary Queen of Scots," we learn that on Sunday, the 30th July 1587, "there went from Peterborough M—— Dethick (Sir William), alias Garter, principal king of arms, and five heralds, accompanied with forty horse and men, to conduct the body of Mary, late Queen of Scots, from Fotheringham Castle in Northamptonshire to Peterborough aforesaid, ... having for that purpose brought a royal coach, drawn by four horses and covered with black velvet, richly set forth with escotcheons of the armes of Scotland, and little penons round about it, the body, being enclosed in lead and the same coffined in wood, was brought down and reverently put into the coach; at which time the heralds put on their coats of arms, and bareheaded with torches light, brought the same forth of the castle about ten of the clock at night, and so conveyed it to Peterborough." Behind the heralds walked Melville, Bourgoing, Gorion, Gervais, and two others of Mary's household. The procession moved slowly, and reached Peterborough, twelve miles distant, between one and two in the morning. At the door of the cathedral the body was received by the Bishop of Peterborough, the Dean and Chapter, and Clarencieux, king at arms, "and in the presence of the Scots which came with the same,"[179] "and without bells or chanting"[180] it was placed in a vault prepared for it in the south aisle at the entrance of the choir. Thus Mary's tomb was opposite that of Catherine of Aragon, and the same grave-digger, Scarlet,[181] prepared both vaults for these royal and injured occupants.
As soon as the coffin had been lowered, the grave was covered with a brick vaulting, only a small opening being left, and no further ceremony took place until the Tuesday following.
On Monday afternoon the principal personages who were to take part in the ceremony arrived.[182]