[3] Occupations in 1907 of 716 colored men (secured from records of the Young Men's Christian Association and personal visits) compared with census figures of occupations in 1900.
| 716 Men | Census | |
| Agricultural pursuits | — | 1.2 |
| Professional service, 27 men | 3.8 | 3.6 |
|
Domestic and personal service, 363 men 5 barbers, 5 caterers, 24 cooks, 30 general utility men, 41 hotel men, 76 waiters and butlers, 8 valets, 35 janitors and sextons, 29 longshoremen, 5 laborers in tunnels, 7 asphalt workers, 57 elevator men, 41 laborers. | 50.6 | 58.1 |
|
Trade and transportation, 279 men 10 chauffeurs, 35 drivers, 13 expressmen, 8 hostlers, 12 messengers, 14 municipal employees, 127 porters in stores, 15 porters on trains, 24 clerks, 21 merchants. | 39.0 | 28.4 |
| Manufacturing and mechanical pursuits, 47 men | 6.6 | 8.7 |
| 100.0 | 100.0 |
[4] Kelly Miller's "Race Adjustment," p. 129.
[5] It is difficult to get accurate figures as no official record is kept of color.
[6] Southern Workman, October, 1907, to March, 1908.
[7] In 1906, and again in 1910, I secured a counting of the New York colored men in organized labor. The lists run as follows:
| 1906 | 1910 | |||
| Asphalt workers | 320 | 350 | ||
| Teamsters | 300 | 400 | ||
| Rock-drillers and tool sharpeners | 250 | 240 | ||
| Cigar makers | 121 | 165 | ||
| Bricklayers | 90 | 21 | ||
| Waiters | 90 | not obtainable | ||
| Carpenters | 60 | 40 | ||
| Plasterers | 45 | 19 | ||
| Double drum hoisters | 30 | 37 | ||
| Safety and portable engineers | 26 | 35 | ||
| Eccentric firemen | 15 | 0 | ||
| Letter carriers | 10 | 30 | ||
| Pressmen | 10 | not obtainable | ||
| Printers | 6 | 8 | ||
| Butchers | 3 | 3 | ||
| Lathers | 3 | 7 | ||
| Painters | 3 | not obtainable | ||
| Coopers | 1 | 2 | ||
| Sheet metal workers | 1 | 1 | ||
| Rockmen | 1 | not obtainable | ||
| Total | 1385 | 1358 | ||
The large number of bricklayers in 1906 is questioned by the man, himself a bricklayer, who made the second counting. However, the number greatly decreased in 1908 when the stagnation in business compelled many men to seek work in other cities.
[8] The comment of the Negro bricklayer who secured my figures is important. "A Negro," he says, "has to be extra fit in his trade to retain his membership, as the eyes of all the other workers are watching every opportunity to disqualify him, thereby compelling a superefficiency. Yet at all times he is the last to come and the first to go on the job, necessitating his seeking other work for a living, and keeping up his card being but a matter of sentiment. While all the skilled trades seem willing to accept the Negro with his travelling card, yet there are some which utterly refuse him; for instance, the house smiths and bridge men who will not recognize him at all. While membership in the union is necessary to work, yet the hardest part of the battle is to secure employment. In some instances intercession has been made by various organizations interested in his industrial progress for employment at the offices of various companies, and favorable answers are given, but hostile foremen with discretionary power carry out their instructions in such a manner as to render his employment of such short duration that he is very little benefited. Of course, there are some contractors who are very friendly to a few men, and whenever any work is done by them, they are certain of employment. Unfortunately, these are too few."
[9] R. R. Wright, Jr.'s "Migration of Negroes to the North," Annals of the American Academy, May, 1906.