It was this free-tongued, easily infuriated nature with which the Earl had to cope in addition to his wife’s excitability and financial ambitions, his son’s cry of “Give, give!” the suspicions of his Queen, the lies and slanders of his enemies, and the intrigues of his captivating captive. The wonder is that he could be even so generous, affectionate, and level-headed as the following letter shows; that he could forgive Gilbert, and laugh with my Lord of Rutland, who seems to have visited Shrewsbury solely to pour balm on his friend’s wounds and put him in a happier frame of mind, so that at Gilbert’s coming the difficulties of a business discussion about the disposal of Welbeck—at which place the Countess eventually established her son Charles Cavendish, and concerning which she appears to have had important financial transactions with her husband—was made easy. Owing to the guest’s bonhomie, father and son are placed on a footing which enables them to discuss things composedly, and Gilbert is informed of the false reports of his father’s attitude towards Mary Talbot.

Gilbert and Mary Talbott to the Countess of Shrewsbury
(1583).

“My bounden duty, duty, etc.—On Friday at night my L. sent to me to be with him the next morning early. I came to Worsop about 9 o’clock, and found the two earls together, but saw them not till dinner was on the table. After ordinary greeting at the board, my L. speaking of Welbeck, my L. of Rutland said he was sure my L. would pay for it, and ‘so,’ quoth he, ‘you promised me yesternight,’ which my L. denied; ‘but,’ said my L., ‘your L. was exceeding earnest with me so to do’; whereat they were both very merry; and he still was earnest with my L. therein, but he laughed it off. After dinner my L. called me to him in his chamber, and told me a long tale of the cause of his meeting with that Lord; the effect in substance was to continue friendship with him; and recited many reasons that he had to trust him better than any nobleman; and said that I had like cause to do so, both in respect of kindred, and that he loveth me exceeding well; and sware by God he was never more earnestly dealt with than he had been by him since his coming, for me; both to be good to me in present and hereafter; and bade me take knowledge thereof and give him thanks, and that in any case I should go to Newark to him. And before had ended all that it seemed he would have said, he was called away by the other being ready to go down to horse. So when I came out I briefly gave him thanks for what my L. had told me; and he wished he were able to do me any pleasure, desired me to come to Newark, and he would tell me more, and none living be better welcome; and so we parted. Then I rode some part of my L. way with him. He told me that the cause he would not have me carry my wife to London was, for that he thought your La. would go up to London, and then would my wife join with you in exclaiming against him, and so make him to judge the worse of me, with much to that effect. I alleged the necessity of my wife’s estate; how ill I could live here without any provisions; but he cut me off, saying he looked hourly for leave to go up, and after he had been there himself, I might carry her if I would, and if I did before, he could not think I loved him; and for her health, he said physicians might be sent for, though he bare the charges; and would not suffer me to speak a word more thereof, but bade me now do it if I would. Then he told me that Lewis being at Newark, Hercules Foliambe told him that he heard my L. had commanded me to put away my wife; and called Lewis, and he affirmed it, and so my L. willed me to charge Foliambe therewith and make him bring out his author. Then he told me that the matters were hard between your La. and him; that Sir W. M. and the Master of the Rolls were wholly on your side, and would have set down an order clean against him; but that the Lord Chief Justice would not thereto consent, but stuck to him as friendly as ever man did. He would honour and love him for it whilst he lived; and that the order was deferred till Thursday last; and that this last week he had found out and sent up all the pay books written by Ryc. Cooke, of all manner of conveyances whatsoever, whereby it appeared that Knifton and Cooke dealt the most treacherously with him that ever any men had done; but recited not wherein, saying that he hath not Hardwick and the West country lands without impeachment of waste, as he would be sworn his meaning was. Further that W. Cavendish he said was not ashamed to demand £1800 for [it] and made such a matter of it, as was never heard; whereof he spake so out of purpose, as it were in vain to write it. Then commended H. Cavendish exceedingly for maintaining his honour, which he said he should fare the better for; and told that divers noble men had of late answered for him very stoutly, especially the Earl of Cumberland. Then told that Bentall, hearing how evil he was spoken of at London, and for that your La. had called him traitor, he desired leave to go up, either to be cleared or condemned, and that he hath written by him to my L. Treasurer and my L. of Leicester that he might be thoroughly tried, and have as he had deserved. As for his knowledge of him, he wrote he had found him the truest and most faithful servant that he ever had. He said Bentall rather chose to go up of himself than to be sent for; and that he had been twice examined before my L. Treasurer and my L. of Leicester, and had sped well, and so would do he hoped. These are all the special points that I can remember he spoke of. I began many times to tell him my griefs, and to open my estate, but he would not suffer me to speak, but said he loved me best of all his children, and that I had never given him cause of offence but in tarrying so long at Chatsworth; which thing he also would not suffer me to answer, but said it was past, and he would not hear more thereof. When I was parted with my L. I met Style[[70]] with the stuff. The secret he told me of the estate of my L. body was that swelling which he said he thought none but himself did know, but when I told him where it was, he marvelled that I knew it. He told me that Bentall persuaded my L. that he was able to do him such service above as he never had done him, and to discover the secrets of all things, especially by his brother that serves my L. of Leicester; but Steele said he verily thought he should be laid up in prison. He said he talked with Curle all the day before he went, and all that morning, but I could get out no particular thing of him besides his continual familiarity with all the Scots. He said there is not any about my L. but Stringer but seeketh my undoing.

“I am in hope to meet Mr. Serjante Roods at Winkfield. Herein is enclosed a note for your La. to read. The remainder of Rufford and Langford is assuredly [rested] in my brother H. Cavendish, as the other lands that are unrevocable are.

“I desire to know whether your La. thinketh that her Majesty will be offended with my going to Newark to that Earl or not, considering what speeches she used to me of him. If it be not in that respect, I think it is very necessary I go thither, seeing that he hath used so good offices for me to my L. My L. said to one that my L. of Leicester was Bentall’s great friend. God prosper your La. in all things. We most humbly beseech your La. blessing to us all.

“G. Talbott. Mary Talbott.”

It is patent which way the wind blows, and how the Earl is regarded by his principal antagonists. There is open war; his words are repeated, his moves watched, and he is simply become a fine grape to be squeezed for their advantage.

Photo by Richard Keene, Ltd., Derby
HARDWICK HALL, SHOWING ENTRANCE GATEWAY
Page [258]

Things were brewing to a head, and in 1584 Chatsworth, the beautiful, the detested of the Earl, was literally besieged by him. It must be recalled here that his wife had already divided her own two houses amongst her two elder sons. On Henry, as eldest Cavendish she had bestowed Chatsworth; on William, her best beloved, her own Hardwick. For Charles, her youngest, as instanced, she had other plans, namely, Welbeck. Now Henry had married the Earl’s daughter, Lady Grace. The quarrel naturally concentrated itself on Chatsworth, which, through Grace, was shared by the Talbot side of the family. The Earl refused to be done out of certain rights in this property. His lady, irritated by the fact that Henry was on the Earl’s side, bore down upon the house, dismantled it, and sent the greater part of the contents to Hardwick, while Charles and William Cavendish practically manned the empty building. Up rode the Earl with his gentlemen and servants to demand admittance, and was, according to his own statements,[[71]] resisted by William “with halberd in hand and pistol under his girdle.” The whole position was naturally rendered more and more painful by this undignified occurrence, and all parties concerned were foolishly guilty of wanton waste of a good summer’s day. Meanwhile the Countess was practically without a suitable house, since she could now share none of her husband’s lordly residences. Here follows a tragic and unforgettable letter from the Earl, almost alone, as it were with his back against a wall. He writes not to Burghley this time, but to Lord Leicester. Ostensibly the letter is one of condolence. Leicester’s son by Lettice Knollys died in babyhood in July of this year, at the time when the Earl and his retinue hammered at the doors of Chatsworth. It was open to Shrewsbury to requite his friend’s sanctimonious epistle, previously quoted, on the death of Francis Talbot by just such another. The soldier Earl, however, is of different stuff from the courtier. His heart cannot dissemble, and the occasion becomes an excuse for bitter confidences, elicited evidently by a letter from Leicester which informs him of the blow and makes kindly allusion, possibly admonitory, to Gilbert Talbot, who himself had lost an only son and heir.