In the above the text calls only for the embellishments of the Haggadah. In the following passage from Rashi's commentaries the place allotted to Derash is more limited.

4. CONSTRUCTION OF THE TABERNACLE (Ex. xxv. 1 <I>et seq.</I>)

2. <I>Speak unto the children of Israel, that they bring me an offering</I>]. To me; in my honor. An offering (<H>terumah (Tav Resh Vav Mem He)</H>), a levy; let them make a levy upon their goods. <I>Of every man that giveth it willingly with his heart</I> (<H>idbenu (Yod Dalet Bet Nun Vav)</H>), same meaning as <H>nedava (Nun Dalet Bet He),</H> that is to say, a voluntary and spontaneous gift.[75] <I>Ye shall take my offering</I>] Our sages say: Three offerings are prescribed by this passage, one of a <I>beka</I> from each person, used for a pedestal, as will be shown in detail in <I>Eleh Pekude</I>[76]; the second, the contribution of the altar, consisting of a <I>beka</I> from each person, thrown into the coffers for the purchase of congre gational sacrifices; and, third, the contribution for the Tabernacle, a free-will offering. The thirteen kinds of material to be mentioned were all necessary for the construction of the Tabernacle and for the making of priestly vestments, as will be evident from a close examination.

3. <I>Gold, and silver, and brass</I>]. All these were offered voluntarily, each man giving what he wished, except silver, of which each brought the same quantity, a half-shekel a person. In the entire passage relating to the construction of the Tabernacle, we do not see that more silver was needed; this is shown by Ex. xxxviii. 27. The rest of the silver, voluntarily offered, was used for making the sacred vessels.

4. <H>Tejelet (Tav Kaf Lamed Tav)</H>]. Wool dyed in the blood of the <I>halazon</I>[77] and of a greenish color. <H>viargaman (Vav Alef Resh Gimel Mem Final_Nun)</H>]. Wool dyed with a sort of coloring matter bearing this name. <H>Vasmesh (Vav Shin Shin)</H>]. Linen. <H>izim (Ayin Zayin Yod Final_Mem)</H>]. Goats' hair; this is why Onkelos translates it by <H>mazi (Mem Ayin Zayin Yod),</H> but not "goats," which he would have rendered by <H>azia (Ayin Zayin Yod Alef).</H>

5. <I>And rams' skins dyed red</I>]. Dyed red after having
been dressed. <H>techashim (Tav Het Shin Yod Final_Mem</H>].
A sort of animal created for the purpose and having various
colors; that is why the Targum translates the word by
<H>isasgona (Yod Samekh Samekh Gimel Vav Nun Alef),</H> "he
rejoices in his colors and boasts of them."[78] <I>And
shittim wood</I>] - But whence did the Israelites in the
desert obtain it? R. Tanhuma explains: The patriarch Jacob,
thanks to a Divine revelation, had foreseen that one day his
de
scendants would construct a Tabernacle in the desert. He,
therefore, carried shittim trees into Egypt, and planted them
there, advising his sons to take them along with them when
they left the country.

6. <I>Oil for the light</I>]. "Pure <I>oil olive</I> beaten for the light, to cause the lamp to burn always."[79] <I>Spices for anointing oil</I>]. Prepared for the purpose of anointing both the vessels of the Tabernacle and the Tabernacle itself. Spices entered into the composition of this oil, as is said in K<I>Ki-Tissa.</I>[80] <I>And for sweet incense</I>] which was burned night and morning, as is described in detail in <I>Tezaweh.</I>[81] As to the word <H>ketoret (Qof Mem Resh Tav),</H> it comes from the rising of the smoke (<H>Kitor (Qof Mem Vav Resh)</H>).

7. <I>Onyx stones</I>]. Two were needed for the ephod, described in <I>Tezaweh.</I>[82] <I>And stones to be set</I>] for an ouch of gold was made in which the stones were set, entirely filling it. These stones are called "stones to be set." As to the bezel it is called <H>mishbetzet (Mem Shin Bet Tsadi Tav.</H> <I>In the ephod, and in the breastplate</I>]. Onyx stones for the ephod and "stones to be set" for the breastplate. The breastplate as well as the ephod are described in <I>Tezaweh</I>[83]; they are two sorts of ornaments.

If these citations did not suffice, his anti-Christian polemics would furnish ample evidence of the wise use Rashi made of the Peshat. The word polemics, perhaps, is not exact. Rashi does not make assaults upon Christianity; he contents himself with showing that a verse which the Church has adopted for its own ends, when rationally interpreted, has an entirely different meaning and application. Only to this extent can Rashi be said to have written polemics against the Christians. However that may be, no other course is possible; for the history of Adam and Eve or the blessing of Jacob cannot be explained, unless one takes a stand for or against Christianity. It was not difficult to refute Christian doctrines; Rashi could easily dispose of the stupid or extravagant inventions of Christian exegesis. Sometimes he does not name the adversaries against whom he aimed; sometimes he openly says he has in view the <I>Minim</I> or "Sectaries," that is, the Christians. The Church, it is well known, transformed chiefly the Psalms into predictions of Christianity. In order to ward off such an interpretation and not to expose themselves to criticism, many Jewish exegetes gave up that explanation of the Psalms by which they are held to be proclamations of the Messianic era, and would see in them allusions only to historic facts. Rashi followed this tendency; and for this reason, perhaps, his commentary on the Psalms is one of the most satisfying from a scientific point of view. For instance, he formally states: "Our masters apply this passage to the Messiah; but in order to refute the Minim, it is better to apply it to David."

One would wish that Rashi had on all occasions sought the simple and natural meaning of the Biblical text. That he clothed the Song of Songs, in part at least, in a mantle of allegory, is excusable, since he was authorized, nay, obliged, to do so by tradition. In the Proverbs this manner is less tolerable. The book is essentially secular in character; but Rashi could not take it in this way. To him it was an allegory; and he transformed this manual of practical wisdom into a prolonged conversation between the Torah and Israel. Again, though Rashi discriminated among the Midrashim, and adopted only those that seemed reconcilable with the natural meaning, his commentaries none the less resemble Haggadic compilations. This is true, above all, of the Pentateuch. And if the Haggadah "so far as religion is concerned was based upon the oral law, and from an esthetic point of view upon the apparent improprieties of the Divine word," it nevertheless "serves as a pretext rather than a text for the flights, sometimes the caprice or digressions, of religious thought."[84] Now, Rashi was so faithful to the spirit of the Midrash that he accepted without wincing the most curious and shocking explanations, or, if he rejected them, it was not because he found fault with the explanations themselves. Sometimes, when we see him balance the simple construction against the Midrashic interpretation of the text, we are annoyed to feel how he is drawn in opposite directions by two tendencies. We realize that in consequence his works suffer from a certain incoherence, or lack of equilibrium, that they are uneven and mixed in character. To recognize that he paid tribute to the taste of the age, or yielded to the attraction the Midrash exercised upon a soul of naive faith, is not sufficient, for in point of fact he pursued the two methods at the same time, the method of literal and the method of free interpretation, seeming to have considered them equally legitimate and fruitful of results. Often, it is true, he shakes off the authority of tradition, and we naturally query why his good sense did not always assert itself, and free him from the tentacles of the Talmud and the Midrash.