Anarchy and Anarchists / A History of the Red Terror and the Social Revolution in America and Europe; Communism, Socialism, and Nihilism in Doctrine and in Deed; The Chicago Haymarket Conspiracy and the Detection and Trial of the Conspirators

by Michael J. Schaack

CHAPTER XXIV.

Reporting under Difficulties—Shorthand in an Overcoat Pocket—An Incriminating Conversation—Spies and Schwab in Danger—Gilmer’s Story—The Man in the Alley—Schnaubelt the Bomb-thrower—Fixing the Guilt—Spies Lit the Fuse—A Searching Cross-Examination—The Anarchists Alarmed—Engel and the Shell Machine—The Find at Lingg’s House—The Author on the Witness-stand—Talks with the Prisoners—Dynamite Experiments—The False Bottom of Lingg’s Trunk—The Material in the Shells—Expert Testimony—Incendiary Banners—The Prosecution Rests—A Fruitless Attempt to have Neebe Discharged.

WHEN the public began to see the character of the evidence against the Anarchists, sentiment crystalized into a feeling that no fair-minded juror could be led astray by specious pleas or sophistical arguments into voting for an acquittal of any one of the defendants. The facts of the conspiracy had been brought out with startling boldness, and with every witness the points against the prisoners were fortified with added effect. One of the strongest witnesses as to the incendiary utterances of the speakers at the Haymarket meeting was G. P. English, then a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, but at present private secretary of Mayor Roche. Another was M. M. Thompson, who testified as to a conversation between Spies and Schwab.

Mr. English testified as follows:

“I am a reporter for the Tribune, and have been for seventeen years. I am also a shorthand reporter. I got to the Haymarket meeting, on the 4th of May, about half-past seven. I went all around the Haymarket Square from Desplaines to Halsted, saw a few people on the street, but no meeting. Later on I saw some people going north on Desplaines beyond Randolph. I went over there, and in a little while Mr. Spies got up on the wagon and said Mr. Fielden and Mr. Parsons were to make a speech, but they hadn’t come. Spies got down off the wagon and went toward Randolph Street. He was gone perhaps five or ten minutes. As he passed me in coming back, I asked him if Parsons was going to speak. I understood him to say yes. Then he got up on the wagon and said: ‘Gentlemen, please come to order.’ I took shorthand notes of his speech, as much as I could. I had a notebook and a short pencil in my overcoat pocket and made notes in the pocket. My notes are correct. Some of them I can read, some I can’t. I don’t recollect what he or the others said without my notes.

“Before Spies commenced to speak somebody in the crowd suggested that the meeting should go over to the Haymarket, but Spies said no, that the crowd would interfere with the street-cars. Here is what I have of Spies’ speech:

“‘Gentlemen and fellow workmen: Mr. Parsons and Mr. Fielden will be here in a very short time to address you. I will say, however, first, this meeting was called for the purpose of discussing the general situation of the eight-hour strike, and the events which have taken place during the last forty-eight hours. It seems to have been the opinion of the authorities that this meeting has been called for the purpose of raising a little row and disturbance. This, however, was not the intention of the committee that called the meeting. The committee that called the meeting wanted to tell you certain facts of which you are probably aware. The capitalistic press has been misleading—misrepresenting the cause of labor for the last few weeks, so much so’—there is something here unintelligible that I can’t read; some of it went off on the side of my pocket. The next is: ‘Whenever strikes have taken place; whenever people have been driven to violence by the oppression of their’—something unintelligible here—‘Then the police’—a few unintelligible words, then there were cheers—‘But I want to tell you, gentlemen, that these acts of violence are the natural outcome of the degradation and subjection to which working people are subjected. I was addressing a meeting of ten thousand wage slaves yesterday afternoon in the neighborhood of McCormick’s. They did not want me to speak. The most of them were good church-going people. They didn’t want me to speak because I was a Socialist. They wanted to tear me down from the cars, but I spoke to them and told them they must stick together’—some more that is unintelligible—‘and he would have to submit to them if they would stick together.’ The next I have is: ‘They were not Anarchists, but good church-going people—they were good Christians. The patrol wagons came, and blood was shed.’

“Some one in the crowd said, ‘Shame on them.’ The next thing I have is: ‘Throwing stones at the factory; most harmless sport.’ Then Spies said, ‘What did the police do?’ Some one in the crowd said, ‘Murdered them.’ Then he went on: ‘They only came to the meeting there as if attending church.’ ... ‘Such things tell you of the agitation.’ ... ‘Couldn’t help themselves any more.’ ‘It was then when they resorted to violence.’ ... ‘Before you starve.’ ... ‘This fight that is going on now is simply a struggle for the existence of the oppressed classes.’

“My pocket got fuller and fuller of paper; my notes got more unintelligible. The meeting seemed to be orderly. I took another position in the face of the speaker, took out my paper and reported openly during all the rest of the meeting. The balance of my notes I have not got. From what appears in my report in the Tribune, I can give you part of what Spies, Fielden and Parsons said. It is, however, only an abstract of what they said. So far as it goes it is verbatim, except the pronouns and the verbs are changed.