Wednesday, January 11th.—Bernstorff reports that Clement Duvernois, a former Minister of Napoleon, wishes to come here in order to negotiate for peace in the name of the Empress. She will agree in principle to the cession of territory and the new frontier demanded by us, and also to the payment of a war indemnity and the occupation of a certain portion of France by our troops until it is paid, and will promise not to enter into negotiations respecting peace with any other Power than Germany. Duvernois is of opinion that although the Empress is not popular, yet she would act energetically, and as a legal ruler would have more authority and offer us a better security than any person elected by and dependent upon the representatives of the country. Duvernois assisted in provisioning Paris and accordingly knows that it must surrender shortly, and therefore as time presses, he is anxious to hurry on negotiations. Will he be received if he comes? Perhaps, if only in order to make the members of the Government in Paris and Bordeaux more yielding.
During dinner the bombardment was discussed, as is now usually the case. Paris was said to be on fire, and some one had clearly seen thick columns of smoke rising over the city. “That is not enough,” said the Chief. “We must first smell it here. When Hamburg was burning the smell could be distinguished five German miles off.” The opposition offered by the “Patriots” in the Bavarian Chamber to the Versailles Treaty was then referred to. The Chief said: “I wish I could go there and speak to them. They have obviously got into a false position and can neither advance nor retire. I have already been doing my best to bring them into the right way. But one is so badly wanted here in order to prevent absurdities and to preach sense.”
Thursday, January 12th.—At dinner the conversation again turned on the bombardment. On somebody observing that the French complain of our aiming at their hospitals, the Chief said: “That is certainly not done intentionally. They have hospitals near the Pantheon and the Val de Grâce, and it is possible that a few shells may have fallen there accidentally. H’m, Pantheon, Pandemonium?” Abeken had heard that the Bavarians intended to storm one of the south-eastern forts that had returned our fire in a weak way. The Chief commended the Bavarians, adding: “If I were only in Munich now, I would bring that home to their members of Parliament in such a way that I should immediately win them over to our side.”
The Chancellor then told us that the King preferred the title “Emperor of Germany” to that of “German Emperor.” “I gave him to understand that I did not care a brass farthing. He was of a different opinion. Rather the country than the people. I then explained to him that the first would be a new title and would at least have no historical basis. There had never been an Emperor of Germany, and though it was true there had also been no German Emperor, there had been a German King.” Bucher confirmed that statement and remarked that Charlemagne assumed the title of “Imperator Romanorum.” Subsequently the Emperor was called “Imperator Romanus, semper augustus, and German King.”
At 11 P.M. the King sent the Chief a pencil note in his own handwriting on a half sheet of letter paper, informing him that we had just won a great victory at Le Mans. The Minister, who was visibly pleased and touched at this attention, said as he handed me the slip of paper in order that I should telegraph the news: “He thinks the General Staff will not let me know, and so he writes himself.”
Friday, January 13th.—Arnim sends a florid account from Rome of the visit paid by Victor Emmanuel to the Eternal City. He mentions a report received from the Nuncio at Bordeaux respecting an attempt by the Government Delegation in that city to secure the intervention of the Pope for the purpose of negotiating a peace. The Cardinal in communicating this to the Minister added that the French are now disposed to make greater concessions than at Ferrières, and asked if in principle the Pope’s mediation would be agreeable to us. Arnim replied that the French Government knew our conditions and could conclude peace at any time on that basis. Arnim states that the efforts made by the Curia on behalf of peace are sincere, but are based on interested motives. The Cardinal asked if it was not intended to grant France any compensation for the proposed cession of territory, whereupon Arnim replied that we had no right to dispose of the territory of other States. The Cardinal obviously had Italy in view, and meant that France should indemnify herself by annexing Piedmont and reinstating the Pope in Rome. The despatch concludes as follows: “My presence here complicates our position, as it awakens hopes that cannot be realised, and maintains intimate relations that clog our footsteps without making the ground upon which we stand any firmer.” Thile reports that Queen Augusta told him the sinking of the English coal ships near Rouen had made more bad blood in England than was believed here. The Crown Princess knew from the letters of her mother that sympathy for our cause was daily decreasing there. Thile replied that he was surprised to hear it, as Bernstorff made no mention of it.
We are joined at dinner by Regierungspräsident von Ernsthausen, a portly gentleman, still young, and by the Chief, who is to dine with the Crown Prince, and only remains until the Varzin ham comes to table, of which he partakes “for the sake of home memories.” Turning to Ernsthausen, he says: “I am invited to the Crown Prince’s, but before going there I have another important interview for which I must strengthen myself.” “Wednesday will be the 18th, and the Festival of the Orders, so we can publish the proclamation to the German people on that day.” (The Proclamation of Emperor and Empire, upon which Bucher is now at work.) (To Ernsthausen): “The King is still in doubt about ‘German Emperor’ or ‘Emperor of Germany.’ He inclines to the latter. But it does not appear to me that there is much difference between the two titles. It is like the Homousios or Homoiousios in the Councils of the Church.” Abeken corrected: “Homöusios.” The Chief: “We pronounce it oi. In Saxony they have the Iotacism. I remember in our school there was a pupil from Chemnitz who read that way” (and he then quoted a Greek sentence), “but the teacher said to him ‘Stop! That won’t do! We don’t hail here from Saxony.’”
After dinner I read the latest despatches and some older drafts. Those of special interest were instructions from the Chief to the Minister of Commerce that the amount expended for the provisioning of Paris could not be included in the Budget; and a memorandum in which Moltke defended the supply of provisions for the Parisians. The 2,800 waggons with provisions were, he says, not intended solely for the Parisians, but also for our own troops—for the former seven million rations of two pounds each for three days—and it would be well if there were still more waggons in France. The Chief returned from the Crown Prince’s at 9.30 P.M., and shortly afterwards he instructed me to telegraph that we had made 8,000 prisoners at Le Mans, and captured twelve guns, and that Gambetta, who wished to be present at the battle, nearly fell into our hands, but just made his escape in time. Afterwards I cut out Unruh’s speech dealing with the scarcity of locomotives on the German railways, for submission to the King.
CHAPTER XVII
LAST WEEKS BEFORE THE CAPITULATION OF PARIS