Hatzfeldt mentioned that a Spanish secretary of embassy had called. He had come from Bordeaux and wanted to enter Paris in order to bring away his countrymen. He also had a letter from Chaudordy for Favre, and was in great haste. What answer should be given to him? The Chief stooped down a little over the table, then sat bolt upright again, and said: “Attempting to carry a despatch from one member of the enemy’s Government to another through our lines—that is a case exactly suited for a court-martial. When he comes back you will treat the matter in a very serious way: receive him coolly, look surprised, and say that we must complain to the new King of Spain with regard to such a breach of neutrality and demand satisfaction. Besides, I am astonished that Stiehle should have let the fellow pass. These soldiers always pay too much deference to diplomats. And even if he had been an ambassador, Metternich for instance, he should have been turned back even if he had to freeze and starve in consequence. Indeed, such carrier service borders closely on spying.”
The rush of people to and out of Paris that was now to be apprehended then came up for discussion. The Chief: “Well, the French will not let so very many out, and we shall only let those pass who have a permit from the authorities inside, and perhaps not all of those.”
Some one said that Rothschild, who had been supplied with a safe conduct, wanted to come out; upon which the Chief: “It would be well to detain him—as a franctireur, and include him amongst the prisoners of war. (To Keudell) Just inquire into the matter. I mean it seriously.” Bohlen exclaimed: “Then Bleichröder will come rushing over here and prostrate himself in the name of all the Rothschild family.” The Chief: “In that case we will send him in to join them in Paris, where he can have his share of the dog hunting.”
Astonishment was then expressed that the Daily Telegraph should have already published a detailed epitome of the convention signed yesterday, and in this connection Stieber, Favre’s fellow lodger, was mentioned. The English correspondent had acknowledged, according to Bucher, that he had received the news from Stieber, and the Minister added: “I am convinced that Stieber opened Favre’s writing-desk with a picklock, and then made extracts from his papers which he gave to the Englishman.” This is scarcely probable, as Stieber’s knowledge of French is inadequate for that purpose. He much more probably received the news from his patron Bohlen, or perhaps from some officer who heard it from the General Staff, who—as the Chancellor recently remarked—“are very obliging and communicative in such matters.”
Monday, January 30th.—Favre and other Frenchmen, including the Chief or Prefect of the Paris police, were busily engaged with the Chief during the afternoon, and dined with him at 5.30 P.M. The secretaries and I were to go to the Hôtel des Reservoirs, as there was not room enough at table. I remained at home, however, and translated Granville’s latest peace proposals for the Emperor.
Abeken came up to me after dinner to get the translation, and was sorry I had not been present as the conversation was specially interesting. The Chief had told the Frenchmen, amongst other things, that to be consistent in one’s policy was frequently a mistake, and only showed obstinacy and narrow-mindedness. One must modify his course of action in accordance with events, with the situation of affairs, with the possibilities of the case, taking the relations of things into account and serving his country as the opportunity offers and not according to his opinions, which are often prejudices. When he first entered into political life, as a young and inexperienced man, he had very different views and aims to those which he had at present. He had, however, altered and reconsidered his opinions, and had not hesitated to sacrifice his wishes, either partially or wholly to the requirements of the day, in order to be of service. One must not impose his own leanings and desires upon his country. “La patrie veut être servie et pas dominée.” This remark greatly impressed the Parisian gentlemen, of course principally because of its striking form. Favre replied: “C’est bien juste, Monsieur le Comte, c’est profond.” Another of the Frenchmen also declared enthusiastically: “Oui, Messieurs, c’est un mot profond.”
Bucher, when I went down to tea, confirmed the above particulars, and related that Favre after praising the truth and profundity of the Chief’s remark—which, of course, was made for the edification of the Parisians, just as in general his table talk is intended for the benefit of his guests—must needs add the following bêtise: “Néanmoins c’est un beau spectacle de voir un homme, qui n’a jamais changé ses principes.” The railway director, who appeared to Bucher to be more intelligent than Favre, added, in reference to the “servie et pas dominée,” that that amounted to men of genius subordinating themselves to the will and opinions of the majority, and that majorities were always deficient in intelligence, knowledge, and character. The Chief made a lofty reply to this objection, stating that with him (i.e., with the man of genius, the hero) the consciousness of his responsibility before God was one of his guiding stars. He opposed to the droit du génie, to which his interlocutor had given such a high place, the sense of duty (doubtless meaning what Kant describes as the categorical imperative), which he maintained to be nobler and more powerful.
A little after 11 o’clock the Chancellor joined us at tea. “I am really curious,” he said, “to see what Gambetta will do. It looks as if he wanted to think over the matter further, as he has not yet replied. I think, too, he will ultimately give way. Besides, if not it will be all right. I should have no objection to a little ‘Main line’ across France. These Frenchmen are really very funny people. Favre comes to me with a face like a martyred saint, and looks as if he had some most important communication to make. So I say to him, ‘Shall we go up stairs?’ ‘Yes,’ he says, ‘let us do so.’ But when we are there he sits down and writes letter after letter, and I wait in vain for any important statement or piece of news from him. As a matter of fact, he had nothing to say. What he has done for us would go into two pages of note-paper.” “And this Prefect of Police! I have never in my whole life met such an unpractical man. We are expected to advise and help them in everything. In the course of half an hour he fires all sorts of requests into me, so that at last I nearly lost patience, and said to him, ‘But, my good sir, would it not be better to let me have all this in writing? Otherwise it cannot be properly attended to, for it is impossible for me to carry it all in my head.’ Thousands of things pass through one’s mind, and when I think seriously of one matter I lose sight of all others.”
The conversation then turned on the difficulty of supplying the Parisians with provisions. Several railways were useless, at least for the time being; to allow supplies to be drawn from those parts of France immediately adjoining the districts we occupy might result in scarcity and embarrassment to ourselves; and the port of Dieppe, where they count upon receiving consignments from abroad, could only hold a few vessels. The Chief reckoned out how many rations would be required daily, and how much could be transported in moderately normal circumstances. He found that the supply would be a very scanty one, and that possibly large numbers might still have to starve. He then added: “Favre himself said to me that they had held out too long. That was, however, as he confessed, merely because they knew we had provisions stored for them at Lagny. They had exact particulars on that point. At one time we had collected for them there 1,400 loaded waggons.”
The levying of taxes and contributions was then discussed, and the Chief explained to Maltzahn the arrangements he wished to see made. Instead of scattering our forces they should in general be massed in the chief town of the department or arrondissement, and from these centres flying columns should be despatched against those who refused to pay taxes, as well as against the guerillas and their aiders and abettors.