The Chief instructs me to telegraph to London and Cologne with respect to this decree, that the Government at Bordeaux has declared whole classes of the population—Ministers, Senators, Councillors of State, and all who have formerly been official candidates—as ineligible for election. The apprehension expressed by Count Bismarck during the negotiations for the Convention of the 28th of January, that freedom of suffrage could not be secured, has thus been confirmed. In consequence of that apprehension the Chancellor of the Confederation at that time proposed the convocation of the Corps Législatif, but Favre would not agree to it. The Chancellor has now protested in a Note against the exclusion of these classes. Only an Assembly that has been freely elected, as provided by the Convention, will be recognised by Germany as representing France.
Count Herbert Bismarck arrived this evening from Germany.
Saturday, February 4th.—The Chief has protested against Gambetta’s decree in a telegram to Gambetta himself and in a note to Favre. The telegram runs: “In the name of the freedom guaranteed by the Armistice Convention, I protest against the decree issued in your name which robs numerous classes of French citizens of the right to be elected to the Assembly. The rights guaranteed by that Convention to the freely elected representatives of the country cannot be acquired through elections conducted under an oppressive and arbitrary rule.” The despatch to Favre after giving an epitome of Gambetta’s decree, goes on to say: “I have the honour to ask your Excellency if you consider this to be in harmony with the stipulation of the Convention that the Assembly is to be freely elected? Allow me to recall to your Excellency’s memory the negotiations which preceded the arrangement of the 28th of January. Already at that time I expressed the apprehension that in presence of the conditions then prevailing it would be difficult to secure the entire freedom of the elections, and to prevent attempts being made to restrict it. In consequence of that apprehension, the justice of which M. Gambetta’s circular of to-day seems to confirm, I raised the question whether it would not be better to convoke the Corps Législatif, which would constitute a legal authority returned by universal suffrage. Your Excellency declined to adopt that suggestion and expressly promised that no pressure should be exercised upon the electors, and that perfect freedom of voting should be secured. I appeal to your Excellency’s sense of rectitude in requesting you to say whether the exclusion of whole categories laid down as a matter of principle in the decree in question is in harmony with the freedom of election guaranteed in the Convention of the 28th of January? I believe I may confidently express the hope that the decree in question, the application of which would appear to be an infraction of the stipulations of that Convention, will be immediately withdrawn and that the Government of National Defence will take the necessary measures to ensure the freedom of election guaranteed by Article II. We could not grant to persons elected in pursuance of the Bordeaux decree the rights secured by the Armistice to the members of the Assembly.”
After 10 o’clock I was called to the Chief, who said: “They complain in Berlin that the English papers are much better informed than ours, and that we have communicated so little to our journals respecting the negotiations for the armistice. How has that come about?” I replied: “The fact is, Excellency, that the English have more money and go everywhere to get information. Besides, they stand well with certain august personages who know everything, and finally the military authorities are not always very reserved with regard to matters that ought, for the time being, to be kept secret. I, of course, can only make public what it is proper that the public should know.” “Well, then,” he said, “just write and explain how it is that the extraordinary state of affairs here is to blame, and not we.”
I then took the opportunity of congratulating him on the freedom of the city of Leipzig, which has been conferred upon him within the last few days, and I added that it was a good city, the best in Saxony, and one for which I had always had a great regard. “Yes,” he replied. “Now I am a Saxon, too, and a Hamburger, for they have also presented me with the freedom of Hamburg. One would hardly have expected that from them in 1866.”
As I was leaving he said: “That reminds me—it is also one of the wonders of our time—please write an article showing up the extraordinary action of Gambetta, who after posing so long as the champion of liberty and denouncing the Government for influencing the elections, is now laying violent hands on the freedom of suffrage. He wants to disqualify all those who differ from him, i.e., the whole official world of France with the exception of thirteen Republicans. It is certainly very odd that I should have to defend such a principle against Gambetta and his associate and ally Garibaldi.” I said: “I do not know whether it was intended, but in your despatch to Gambetta the contrast is very striking where you protest, au nom de la liberté des élections against les dispositions en votre nom pour priver des catégories nombreuses du droit d’être élues.” “Yes,” he replied, “you might also mention that Thiers, after his negotiations with me, described me as an amiable barbarian—un barbare aimable. Now they call me in Paris a crafty barbarian—un barbare astutieux, and perhaps to-morrow I shall be un barbare constitutionnel.”
The Chief had more time and interest for the newspapers this morning than during the past few days. I was called to him six times before midday. On one occasion he handed me a lying French pamphlet, “La Guerre comme la font les Prussiens,” and observed: “Please write to Berlin that they should put together something of this description from our point of view, quoting all the cruelties, barbarities, and breaches of the Geneva Convention committed by the French. Not too much however, or no one will read it, and it must be done speedily.” Later on the Minister handed me a small journal published by a certain Armand le Chevalier at 61 Rue Richelieu, with a woodcut of the Chancellor of the Confederation as frontispiece. The Chief said: “Look at this. Here is a man who refers to the attempt by Blind, and recommends that I should be murdered, and at the same time gives my portrait—like the photographs carried by the franctireurs. You know that in the forests of the Ardennes the portraits of our rangers were found in the pockets of the franctireurs who were to shoot them. Luckily it cannot be said that this is a particularly good likeness of me—and the biography is no better.” Then reading over a passage and handing me the paper, he said: “This portion should be made use of in the press, and afterwards be introduced in the pamphlet.”
Finally he gave me some more French newspapers saying: “Look through these and see if there is anything in them for me or for the King. I must manage to get away or I shall be caught by our Paris friends again.”
Prince Putbus and Count Lehndorff joined us at dinner. The Chief related how he had called Favre’s attention to the singular circumstance that he, Count von Bismarck, who had been denounced as a tyrant and a despot, had to protest in the name of liberty against Gambetta’s proclamation. Favre agreed, with a “Oui, c’est bien drôle.” The restriction on the freedom of election decreed by Gambetta has, however, now been withdrawn by the Paris section of the French Government. “He announced that to me this morning in writing, and he had previously given me a verbal assurance.”
It was then mentioned that several German newspapers were dissatisfied with the capitulation, as they expected our troops to march into Paris at once. “That comes,” said the Chief, “of a complete misapprehension of the situation here and in Paris. I could have managed Favre, but the population! They have strong barricades and 300,000 men of whom certainly 100,000 would have fought. Blood enough has been shed in this war—enough German blood. Had we appealed to force much more would have been spilt—in the excited condition of the people. And merely to inflict one additional humiliation upon them—that would have been too dearly bought.” After reflecting for a moment, he continued: “And who told them that we shall not still enter Paris and occupy a portion of it? Or at least march through, when they have cooled down and come to reason. The armistice will probably be prolonged, and then, in return for our readiness to make concessions, we can demand the occupation of the city on the right bank of the river. I think we shall be there in about three weeks.” “The 24th”—he reflected for a moment—“yes, it was on the 24th that the Constitution of the North German Confederation was made public. It was also on the 24th of February, 1859, that we had to submit to certain particularly mean treatment. I told them that it would have to be expiated. Exoriare aliquis. I am only sorry that the Würtemberg Minister to the Bundestag, old Reinhard, has not lived to see it. Prokesch has though, and I am glad of that, because he was the worst. According to a despatch from Constantinople, which I read this morning, Prokesch is now quite in agreement with us, praises the energies and intelligence of Prussia’s policy, and (here the Minister smiled scornfully) has always, or at least for a long time past, recommended co-operation with us.”