Keudell told me this evening that the Chief had already, while standing outside the château, several times expressed himself in a similar manner.
After dinner the Chancellor received in his own salon the Grand Duke of Weimar, as also Reynier, and subsequently Burnside and his companion of the day before.
Thursday, September 29th.—In the morning wrote articles on the folly of certain German newspapers that warned us against laying claim to Metz and the surrounding district because the inhabitants spoke French, and on Ducrot’s unpardonable escape during the transport of prisoners to Germany. The second article was also sent to England.
The newspapers contain a report on the prevailing public sentiment in Bavaria, which evidently comes from a thoroughly reliable and highly competent source.[11] We are accordingly to note the principal points contained therein. The news given in the report is for the most part satisfactory—in some particulars only is it possible to wish it were better. The idea of German unity has evidently been strengthened and extended by the war, but the specific Bavarian amour propre has also increased. The part taken by the army in the victories of the German forces at Wörth and Sedan, as well as the severe losses which it has suffered, has not failed to excite enthusiasm throughout all classes of the population, and to fill them with pride at the achievements of their countrymen. They are convinced that their King sincerely desires the victory of the German arms, and has used every effort to secure that end. His immediate entourage is well disposed. That cannot however be said of all his Ministers. The Minister of War is without doubt sincerely anxious, and is doing his utmost to see the campaign brought to a satisfactory conclusion. He is in that respect thoroughly reliable, and he will no doubt be found on the right side in the matter of the conditions of peace. Count Bray, on the other hand, is and remains ultramontane and Austrian in his views. In his heart of hearts he is opposed to the war, and for him our successes have been too rapid, and our victories too complete. He would like to see the neutral Powers take steps to restrain us, and if he could he would support such measures.
No conclusion is to be drawn from the very confident tone of the press as to an eventual rearrangement of German relations which, through the brotherhood in arms during the war, might develop into a permanent and closer union also in times of peace. As a matter of course Bray would be opposed to the entrance of Bavaria into the North German Confederation. But there are also other influential personages who do not contemplate such a course, or who regard the effective co-operation of the Bavarians in the German victories less as a means to promote the closer union of Germany than as a proof of the power of Bavaria and an assertion of her independence. The non-ultramontane particularists take up a somewhat similar position. They are pleased at our victories and proud of Bavaria’s share in them. They admire the manner in which the Prussians conduct the war, and, like us, they desire to secure Germany against future attack from the West. But they will not hear of Bavaria joining the North German Confederation. The partition of the conquered French territory is also much discussed in such circles. They would like to see Alsace annexed to Baden on condition that the Baden Palatinate were ceded to Bavaria. The more penetrating minds amongst them are forced to reckon with the probability that Baden, and in all likelihood also Würtemberg, will after the peace demand admission into the Federal State already formed by the North. The Ultramontanes remain what they always were, although they are now silent through fear. Fortunately they have lost all confidence in Austria, so that they lack support, while, on the other hand, the Bavarians, who are now in the field, have an entirely different opinion of the Prussians to that which they entertained before the war. They are full of the highest praise for their northern comrades, and not merely for their military qualities and achievements, but also for their readiness to help the Bavarians when they have earlier or better supplies than the latter. More than one of them has written home that their priests have maligned the Prussians. It is not true that they are all Lutherans. Many of them are Catholics, and they had even seen some Catholic military chaplains with them. As the officers share these feelings the army on its return will carry on an effective propaganda against Ultramontanism, and probably also against extreme particularism. It will be easily understood that men of national sentiment in Bavaria should feel more confident than ever. They will also do what they can for the cause. But they are a minority in the Lower Chamber, and in the Upper House they have scarcely two or three representatives.
At dinner the conversation turned on the Grand Duke of Weimar and such matters. The Minister said that the Grand Duke had been to see him the evening before, and wished to obtain some information which he (the Chief) was unable to give him. “He thinks that I am also his Chancellor. On my politely declining, he said he must then apply to the King. ‘Yes,’ I replied, ‘but in that case his Majesty will have to refer in the first place to his Minister.’ ‘And the Minister?’ (Here the Chief bent his head a little to one side and smiled sweetly.) ‘He will maintain an impenetrable silence.”’
The Chancellor then said that he had been asked what was to be done with the Garde Mobiles captured at Strassburg. They were disposed to set them at liberty and let them go home. “God forbid,” said I; “send them to Upper Silesia.”
Friday, September 30th.—Received another letter from Bamberger, who is in Baden-Baden. He continues to use his talents and influence in the press to advance the Chancellor’s views. In my answer I begged him to counteract the ill-considered arguments of certain German journalists who now, while we are still at war, and have hardly done the heaviest part of our task, are already strongly urging moderation. The worst of these is Dr. Kruse, of the Kölnische Zeitung, with whom the idea that Metz must not be annexed because the inhabitants speak French has become almost a monomania. These gentlemen offer their advice as to how far we can or may go in our demands, and plead in favour of France, while they would do much better to insist upon still heavier demands, “in order,” as the Minister said in complaining of this being “preposterous” behaviour, “that we may at least get something decent, if not all that we ask for. They will compel me in the end to claim the Meuse as our frontier. Write also to Bamberger that I had credited him with more political acumen than to imagine that we really want to replace Napoleon on the French throne.”
Sunday, October 2nd.—At teatime to a remark that the poorer classes suffered comparatively more than the upper and wealthier, the Chief replied that this reminded him of Sheridan’s observation at Reims, for it was perhaps after all as well it should be so, as there were more poor people than well-to-do, and we must always keep in mind the object of the war, which was to secure an advantageous peace. The more Frenchmen suffered from the war the greater would be the number of those who would long for peace, whatever our conditions might be. “And their treacherous franctireurs,” he continued, “who now stand in blouses with their hands in their pockets, and in the next moment when our soldiers have passed by take their rifles out of the ditch and fire at them. It will come to this, that we will shoot down every male inhabitant. Really that would be no worse than in battle, where they fire at a distance of 2,000 yards, and cannot recognise each other’s faces.”
The conversation then turned on Russia, on the communistic measure of dividing the land between the village communities, on the minor nobility, “who had invested their savings in the purchase of peasants, out of whom they squeezed their interest in the form of Obrok,” and of the incredible wealth of many of the old Boyar families. The Chief mentioned several examples, and gave a full account of the Yussupoffs, whose fortune, although nearly half of it had been several times confiscated on account of their complicity in conspiracies, was still much larger than that of most German Princes. It was so great that “two serfs, father and son, who had acted in succession as managers of the estate, were able to bleed it of three millions without the loss being felt.” “The palace of these princes in St. Petersburg contained a large theatre in the style of the Weisser Saal in the palace at Berlin, and had magnificent rooms in which 300 to 400 persons could dine with comfort. Forty years ago the old Yussupoff kept open table daily. A poor old officer on the retired list had dined there almost every day for years, although no one knew who he was. The name and rank of their constant guest was only discovered on inquiries being made of the police when on one occasion he had remained away for a considerable time.”