The Chancellor, who had been dining with the King, joined us in the evening and complained to Delbrück of the way in which he had been beset at the King’s quarters by the Princes, who prevented him from discussing something of importance with Kutusow. “I really could not talk to him properly. The Serene Highnesses fluttered about me like crows round a screech-owl, and tore me away from him. Each of them seemed to delight in being able to buttonhole me longer than the others. At length I asked Prince Charles if he could not get his brother-in-law to wait until I had finished what I had to say to Kutusow, as it was an important matter of State. But although I have often spoken to him previously in the same sense he did not seem to understand me, and the end of it was that he took offence.”... “At last they heard that the leg or the back of the old coronation chair had been discovered in one of the other rooms, and they all trooped off to inspect the wonder, while I took this opportunity to bolt.” At that moment a despatch was delivered stating that Favre and the other members of the Government in Paris had once more got on the high horse, and proclaimed that they would not hear of a cession of territory, and that their sole task was the defence of the fatherland. The Chief observed: “Well, then, we need not negotiate any further with Thiers.”
Later on the Minister said that Thiers probably still intended to write another historical work. “Time after time he spins out our negotiation by introducing irrelevant matters. He relates what has occurred or been advised here and there, inquires as to the attitude of this or that person, and what would have happened in such and such circumstances. He reminded me of a conversation I had with the Duc de Bauffremont in the year 1867, in the course of which I said that in 1866 the Emperor had not understood how to take advantage of the situation, that he could have done a good stroke of business although not on German soil, &c. Roughly that is quite correct. I remember it very well. It was in the gardens of the Tuileries, and a military band was playing. In the summer of 1866 Napoleon lacked courage to do what he ought to have done from his point of view. When we attacked Austria he should have occupied ——, the object of the Benedetti proposal, and held it as a pledge. We could not have prevented him at that time, and most probably England would not have stirred—in any case he could have waited. If the coup succeeded he might have placed himself back to back with us, encouraging us to further aggression. But (turning to Delbrück, first leaning a little forward and then sitting straight upright, a habit of his on such occasions), he is and remains a muddle-headed fellow.”
Thiers, after having had a conversation with Favre and Ducrot on the bridge of Sèvres, returned and had another conference with the Chief which lasted from 8.30 to 9.30. Favre and Ducrot had declared that our conditions for an armistice could not be accepted, but that they would ascertain the opinions of their colleagues, and bring Thiers a definite answer to-morrow.
Sunday, November 6th.—The Chief read to us at dinner a portion of his wife’s letter which was to the following effect:—“I fear you will not be able to find a Bible in France, and so I shall shortly send you the Psalms in order that you may read the prophecies against the French—‘I tell thee, the godless shall be destroyed!’” The Minister had also received a “despairing letter” from Count Herbert, whose wound was now healed, because he had been transferred to a depôt. “He says that all he has had out of the whole war has been a fortnight’s ride with his regiment and then three months on his back. I wished to see whether anything could be done, and to-day I met the Minister of War. He dissuaded me, however, with tears in his eyes—he had once interfered in a similar way and lost his son in consequence.”
Monday, November 7th.—Early in the morning the Chief instructs me to telegraph to London: “In the negotiations with M. Thiers, which lasted for five days, he was offered an armistice of any duration up to twenty-eight days on the basis of the military status quo, for the purpose of holding elections, which should also be allowed to take place in the portions of France occupied by the German troops; or, as an alternative, our assistance and sanction for holding the elections without a truce. After a renewed conference with the Paris Government at the outposts, M. Thiers was not authorised to accept either of these offers. He demanded first of all permission to provision Paris, without offering any military equivalent. As this proposal could not be accepted by the Germans on military grounds, M. Thiers yesterday received instructions from Paris to break off the negotiations.”
The following particulars have been ascertained from other sources: The instruction referred to, was received by Thiers in the form of a curt letter from Favre desiring him to return to Tours, whither he has gone, to-day. The Chancellor tells me that Thiers was very depressed at the foolish obstinacy of the Paris Government, of which both he himself and several of the Ministers disapprove. Favre and Picard, particularly the latter, are desirous of peace, but are too weak to withstand the opposition of the others. Gambetta and Trochu will not hear of the elections, which would in all probability put an end to their rule.
I write articles to the following effect: We were prepared to do everything possible, but all our concessions were rejected owing to the ambition of MM. Favre and Trochu, who do not want to be forced by the true representatives of the French people to give up the power which fell into their hands through an insurrection. It is that ambition alone which prolongs the war. We, on the other hand, have shown that we desire peace, by carrying our complaisance to the utmost point.
The postponement of the bombardment was again discussed at dinner. The Chancellor said he could not understand the absurd rumour circulated in the newspapers, to the effect that he was opposed to the bombardment while the military authorities were pressing for it. “Exactly the contrary is the case. No one is more urgent in favour of it than I am, and it is the military authorities who hesitate. A great deal of my correspondence is taken up in dispelling the scruples and excessive circumspection of the military people. It appears that the artillery are constantly requiring more time for preparation and particularly a larger supply of ammunition. At Strassburg, they also asked for much more than was necessary, as notwithstanding the foolish waste of powder and shell, two-thirds of the supply collected was never used.” Alten objected that even if the forts in question were captured they would be then subjected to the fire from the enceinte, and we should have to begin over again. “That may be,” said the Minister, “but they ought to have known that sooner, as there was no fortress we knew so much about from the commencement as Paris.”
Somebody remarked that in the two balloons that had been seized five persons had been taken prisoners. The Chief considered that they ought to be treated as spies without any lengthy deliberation. Alten said they would be brought up before a court-martial, whereupon the Minister exclaimed, “Well, nothing will happen to them there!” He then observed how stout and strong Count Bill was. At his age he himself was slight and thin. “At Göttingen I was as thin as a knitting-needle.” Mention having been made of the circumstance that the sentry posted outside the villa occupied by the Crown Prince had been shot at and wounded the night before, and that the town would be obliged to pay him five thousand francs as compensation, the Chief said that in going out in the evening he would not take his sword but rather a revolver—“as although in certain circumstances I should be quite willing to let myself be murdered, I should not like to die unavenged.”
After dinner I was instructed by the Chancellor to again telegraph an account of the negotiations with Thiers, only in a somewhat different form. On my venturing to observe that the contents of the despatch had been telegraphed in the morning he replied, “Not quite accurately; you see here ‘Count Bismarck proposed, &c.’ You must notice such fine shades if you want to work in the first Foreign Office of the world.”