GROWING DESIRE FOR A DECISION IN VARIOUS DIRECTIONS
Wednesday, November 16th.—The Chief is still unwell. One of the causes is supposed to be his mortification at the course of the negotiations with the South German States (which once more seem as if they would come to a standstill) and at the conduct of the military authorities, who have on various occasions neglected to consult him, although the matters dealt with were not merely military questions.
Count Waldersee dines with us. The Chief complains once more that the military authorities are proceeding too slowly for him, and do not inform him of all matters of importance. He had only succeeded, “after repeated requests,” in getting them to send him at least those particulars which they telegraph to the German newspapers. It was different in 1866. He was then present at all councils, and his view was frequently accepted. For instance, it was due to him that a direct attack upon Vienna was given up, and that the army marched on to the Hungarian frontier. “And that is only as it should be. It is necessary for my business. I must be informed of the course of military operations, in order that I may know the proper time at which to conclude peace.”
Thursday, November 17th.—Alten and Prince Radziwill are the Chief’s guests at dinner. A rumour is mentioned to the effect that Garibaldi and 13,000 of his volunteers have been made prisoners. The Minister observed: “That is really disheartening—to make prisoners of 13,000 franctireurs who are not even Frenchmen! Why have they not been shot?”
He then complained that the military authorities so seldom consulted him. “This capitulation of Verdun, for instance—I should certainly not have advised that. To undertake to return their arms after peace had been concluded, and still more to let French officials continue the administration as they please. The first condition might pass, as the conditions of peace might provide that the weapons should not be returned. But that librement! It ties our hands in the interval, even should they place all kinds of obstacles in our way and act as if there were absolutely no war. They can openly stir up a rising in favour of the Republic, and under this agreement we can do nothing to prevent them.” After dwelling upon this topic for some time, the Minister concluded by saying: “At all events, such a capitulation is unprecedented in history.”
Some one referred to the article written by a diplomat in the Indépendance Belge prophesying the restoration of Napoleon. “No doubt,” observed the Chancellor, “Napoleon fancies something of the kind will happen. Moreover, it is not entirely impossible. If he made peace with us he might return with the troops he has now in Germany. Something in the style of Klapka’s Hungarian Legion on a grand scale, to work in co-operation with us. And then his Government is still the legal one. Order being once restored, he would at the outside require an army of 200,000 men for its maintenance. With the exception of Paris, it would not be necessary to garrison the large towns with troops. Perhaps Lyons and Marseilles. The National Guards would be sufficient for the protection of the others. If the republicans were to rise in rebellion they could be bombarded and shelled out.”
A telegram reporting Granville’s statement with regard to the Russian declaration concerning the Peace of Paris was sent by the King to the Chief, who read it over to us. It was to the effect that Russia, in taking upon herself to denounce a portion of the Treaty of 1856, assumed the right to set aside the whole on her own initiative, a right which was only possessed by the signatory Powers collectively. England could not tolerate such an arbitrary course, which threatened the validity of all treaties. Future complications were to be apprehended. The Minister smiled, and said: “Future complications! Parliamentary speech-makers! They are not going to venture. The whole tone is also in the future. That is the way in which one speaks when he does not mean to do anything. No, there is nothing to be feared from them now, as there was nothing to be hoped from them four months ago. If at the beginning of the war the English had said to Napoleon, ‘There must be no war,’ there would have been none.”
After a while the Minister continued: “Gortschakoff is not carrying on in this matter a real Russian policy (that is, one in the true interests of Russia), but rather a policy of violent aggression. People still believe that Russian diplomats are particularly crafty and clever, full of artifices and stratagems, but that is not the case. If the people at St. Petersburg were clever they would not make any declaration of the kind, but would quietly build men-of-war in the Black Sea and wait until they were questioned on the subject. Then they might reply that they knew nothing about it, but would make inquiries, and so let the matter drag on. That might continue for a long time, and finally people would get accustomed to it.”
Another telegram announced the election of the Duke of Aosta as King of Spain. The Chief said: “I pity him—and them. He is, moreover, elected by a small majority—not by the two-thirds originally intended. There were 190 votes for him and 115 against.” Alten was pleased that the monarchical sentiments of the Spaniards had ultimately prevailed. “Ah, those Spaniards!” exclaimed the Chief. “They have no sense of what is honourable or becoming! They showed that on the outbreak of this war. If only one of those Castilians who pretend to have a monopoly of the sense of honour had but expressed his indignation at the cause of the present war, which was after all Napoleon’s intervention in their previous election of a king, interfering with their free choice and treating them as vassals!... As a matter of fact, these Spaniards are all mere Angelo de Mirandas,—he was formerly a card sharper, and then confidant of Prim’s and probably also of the King’s.” After the Chief had made some further remarks, some one said that it was now all over with the candidature of the Prince of Hohenzollern. “Yes,” replied the Chief, “but only because he wishes it to be so. A couple of weeks ago I told him that it was still time. But he no longer wanted to go on.”
Saturday, November 19th.—We were joined at dinner by General von Werder, the Prussian Military Plenipotentiary at St. Petersburg. The Chief, who looked very pleased, said, shortly after entering the dining-room: “Well, we shall probably be able to come to an understanding with Bavaria.” “Yes,” exclaimed Bohlen, “something of that kind has already been telegraphed to one of the Berlin papers.” “I am sorry for that,” replied the Minister; “it is premature. But of course, wherever there is a mob of princes who have nothing to do and who feel bored, nothing can be kept secret!”